First lady Melania Trump had nothing but praise for her husband on Tuesday, telling a crowd in Atglen, Pennsylvania, that President Trump is "tough, successful, and fair" and "sees potential in everyone he meets, no matter their gender, race, religion, or sexual orientation."Trump, she continued, is "a man who has a very big heart and a great sense of humor. Donald loves helping people, and he loves seeing those around him, and his country, succeed."This was the first lady's first solo campaign event for 2020, and she was joined by former White House counselor Kellyanne Conway. The event was held in a converted barn usually used for wedding receptions, USA Today reports, with several hundred people in attendance. There was little social distancing, but most people did have on masks.Trump applauded the president for working "hard to keep people informed and calm" and said his impeachment was "a sham." She also accused Democrats and the media of working together to "all but destroy our traditional values," and claimed Democratic presidential nominee Joe Biden will push a "socialist agenda."More stories from theweek.com How to make an election crisis 64 things President Trump has said about women Republicans are on the verge of a spectacular upside-down achievement

First lady Melania Trump, making her campaign debut, told a crowd in Pennsylvania on Tuesday that her husband has taken the responsible approach to the coronavirus pandemic while Democrats were focused on "a sham impeachment."

"While the president was taking decisive actions to keep the American people safe, the Democrats ...

Mitch McConnell isn’t sorry about anything. In fact, he’s happy how it all turned out.

A day after Amy Coney Barrett was sworn in as a Supreme Court justice — after a confirmation process that ended in a bitter, party-line vote just a week before Election Day — McConnell hailed the move as a “huge success for the country.”

The Barrett vote marks the capstone of the majority leader’s alliance with President Donald Trump, a relationship that plays out almost entirely in private yet has altered the third branch of the federal government in a way that will take years, maybe decades, to fully assess. It’s the third Supreme Court justice and 220th judicial confirmation overall that McConnell has shepherded through the Senate under Trump, the most since Jimmy Carter’s presidency.

Now Trump’s sinking approval ratings may bring down McConnell’s Senate majority. The Kentucky Republican himself called it a “50-50” proposition whether the GOP would hang on at this point, though forecasters have begun giving the edge to Democrats.

But McConnell argued Barrett’s confirmation would deliver for Republicans — in the current battle for the Senate and over the long-run. Even more, he argued, than a high-profile piece of legislation.

“Permanency depends on the next election. So that’s the way legislation goes," McConnell said in a 15-minute interview Tuesday. "But in judicial appointments you can have a longer-lasting positive impact.”

McConnell has dismissed Democratic complaints that the vacancy left by the late Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg should’ve been left open until next year, or threats of retaliation through “court-packing” if Democrats win the White House and Senate on Nov. 3. He said on Monday night that “every high school student in America learns about Franklin Roosevelt’s unprincipled assault on judicial independence,” and warned Democrats not to repeat it.

But he insisted Tuesday that the hyper-partisanship surrounding Supreme Court nominations boosted Senate Republicans during the last two election cycles and is doing so again this year as McConnell looks to defend his 53-seat majority.

“In terms of the politics of it, I think it was helpful for us in 2016 and 2018, and it is clearly, I think, a plus in 2020 as well. So: good for the country and good for us politically as well,” McConnell concluded.

McConnell also referred to bipartisan negotiations on the latest Covid relief bill in the past tense, declined to discuss whether he could work with a potential President Joe Biden and refused for the millionth time to say whether Trump should change his conduct, in this case if the president pulls off an upset win for a second term.

“I’m not going to evaluate that sort of thing. You know I haven’t done that in four years and I’m not going to start now,” McConnell said.

The deliberative McConnell and erratic Trump could hardly be more different in personal style or temperament. But the president and the Republican leader worked extraordinarily closely to first nominate Barrett and then confirm her. The night Ginsburg died, the two connected by telephone and McConnell told Trump to have a nominee he could move quickly, according to White House officials and a GOP aide.

“This is what Mitch was made for: filling the Supreme Court seats,” Trump said on the call. McConnell was more circumspect in his response: “This will be the hardest fight of my life. We have to play this perfectly.”

In the end, they cemented a long-term conservative Supreme Court majority eight days before the election, while only losing a single Republican vote. From Trump’s announcement of Barrett to her Senate approval, the entire process took just one month, a stunningly fast turnaround.

But as GOP celebrations over Barrett continue, McConnell is looking toward his next challenge. He plans to run for Republican leader again in a few weeks — either in the majority or minority — provided he wins re-election to a sixth term next week.

The 78-year-old McConnell dismissed questions about his health. He said “of course” he’ll serve the full six years if re-elected.

But McConnell, the longest-serving senator in Kentucky history and longest-serving GOP leader, didn’t want to engage on how he will be viewed by history or how he would rate himself among the long line of Senate leaders.

“Look, I think my record speaks for itself,” McConnell said. “The judicial part in particular is of great consequence, and I think you all are capable of comparing that to previous majority leaders.”

Democrats know how they feel about McConnell, and it isn’t good. The party is furious that McConnell blocked Merrick Garland’s nomination for the high court in 2016 while fast tracking Barrett through now, even as tens of millions of Americans have already voted.

“He’s destroyed the orderly process of selecting judicial nominees,” Minority Whip Dick Durbin (D-Ill.), a senior member of the Judiciary Committee, said of McConnell. “The worst part is he’s shaken the trust that members of the Senate had for one another and the mutual respect that makes this place work.”

Democrats declined to provide Barrett even a single ‘yes’ vote, the first time in 150 years the minority party completely snubbed a Supreme Court nominee.

“I might have voted for Amy Coney Barrett as far as circuit judge, but I would’ve liked to have a little more time on this for a deep dive,” said Sen. Joe Manchin (W.Va.), the most conservative Democrat. “Look, there’s not a judicial crisis. There’s still five conservatives to three progressives. What are they afraid of that they need insurance? The election and the Affordable Care Act.”

Some Senate Democrats and party activists are openly calling for expanding the Supreme Court if they control Washington in order to dilute the 6-3 conservative majority that McConnell has now helped enshrine. Liberals fear the coming Supreme Court will strike down an ambitious Biden agenda, just as the high court targeted major pieces of Roosevelt’s New Deal.

McConnell, however, uses those threats to animate his party’s defense of the Senate majority. Republicans have followed his lead, using the left’s talk of changes to the court as their case for being a firewall against a Biden presidency.

It’s just the latest example of the GOP rank-and-file embracing McConnell’s approach to politics. McConnell’s tight lips on Trump’s tweets and other controversies stand in stark contrast to former Speaker Paul Ryan (R-Wis.), whose tiffs with Trump helped lead to an early end to the Wisconsin Republican’s career. These days, all but the chattiest Republicans ignore questions about Trump’s conduct.

In the Trump era, McConnell has guided the GOP through multiple government shutdowns, a presidential impeachment, the coronavirus pandemic and the ensuing U.S. economic slowdown. And while Trump may cost Senate Republicans their six-year old majority, McConnell’s colleagues aren’t blaming his handling of the president for it. They don't complain about his sometimes compulsive focus on approving judicial nominees no matter what else was happening, either.

“He set a course to confirm justices and judges and he will have done it,” said Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.), a close McConnell ally who is retiring this year. “And history will judge whether it was the right thing to do. I think it was. And it will surely be the first thing in the history book about him.”

“Judges are the Super Bowl,” added Sen. Shelley Moore Capito (R-W.Va.). “And he’s been winning. So I think it will reflect well on him as someone who can persuade and use power effectively for something that many of us believe in.”

If McConnell can somehow prop up his majority this cycle, it will only strengthen his hand in the GOP. But McConnell acknowledges “the election could go either way” and he could end up as minority leader, where he started nearly 14 years ago.

Under President Barack Obama, McConnell deployed a hard-line strategy of opposition, aimed at casting Democrats as feckless and unable to govern. Would he deploy those same tactics if Biden is president in January? Like usual, McConnell’s not giving anything away.

“That’s a good thing to discuss the day after the election,” he said.

WASHINGTON (AP) - The Latest on the presidential campaign (all times local):

4:10 p.m.

Melania Trump is slamming Joe Biden, Democrats and the media as she campaigns for her husband in Pennsylvania.

In her first solo appearance of the presidential campaign, Mrs. Trump says Democrats focused on a “sham impeachment” ...

Anti-Trumpers are calling to impeach Supreme Court Justice Amy Coney Barrett less than 24-hours after she was confirmed, paving the way for Democratic presidential nominee Joseph R. Biden to add justices to the high court should he win in November.

Norman Ornstein, a political science scholar at the American Enterprise ...

If Democrats win control of the Senate in November, the new committee chairs will include a senator tried on federal corruption charges, two octogenarians, a democratic socialist and a former tech industry executive, among others.

Democrats have their best shot at reclaiming the Senate majority since being ousted in 2014. With several GOP incumbents in danger of losing their seats — many of them outraised by their Democratic opponents and lagging in the polls — the makeup of a Democrat-led Senate is coming into focus.

In particular, the senators poised to take over committee gavels are mapping out an ambitious agenda. They’re clear-eyed about what it will take not only for Democrats to gain a net of at least three seats, but also to have a President Joe Biden to work with, rather than another four years of Donald Trump.

Potential committee chairs include 79-year-old Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) at Budget; 80-year-old Patrick Leahy (D-Vt.) at Appropriations; 87-year-old Dianne Feinstein (D-Calif.) at Judiciary; Sherrod Brown (D-Ohio) at Banking, Housing and Urban Affairs; Mark Warner (D-Va.) at Intelligence; and Robert Menendez (D-N.J.) at Foreign Relations.

The disparate group shows how seniority pays off in the Senate, where if you last long enough, you can end up with a gavel.

Democrats will tackle a wide array of issues if they control the chamber come January. For starters, they are expected to begin rolling back many of the Trump administration’s actions — on everything from climate change to immigration, health care and taxes. And Democrats, likely with a fellow party member in the Oval Office, would push their own progressive agenda, including oversight of tech giants, infrastructure, energy and environmental programs.

Here’s who would have critical roles in a Democratic-controlled Senate.

Robert Menendez

Often an antagonist of the progressive left when it comes to foreign policy, Menendez would reclaim the Foreign Relations Committee’s gavel, which he held from 2013-15. The New Jersey Democrat was acquitted on federal corruption charges two years ago, and he has challenged the Trump administration on an array of national security crises that have arisen over the past four years, including the president’s decision to pull U.S. forces out of northern Syria.

In an interview, Menendez said he wants to “restore the centrality of the committee and its importance in foreign policy” — the panel has largely taken a back seat in recent years — and will prioritize a “rebuilding” of the State Department, which has seen its budget reduced.

Ron Wyden

In a Democratic Senate, the Oregon senator would take the reins of the Finance Committee, a powerful panel that had a critical role in shepherding the GOP tax cuts through the chamber. Under a President Biden, Democrats would roll back many of those tax cuts— and Wyden will play a pivotal role in making that happen.

Wyden said in an interview that he has discussed the subject with Biden’s team. He also wants to focus on pandemic relief, which remains stalled.

“We’re going to make sure that the lesson of the Great Recession is learned — you don’t take your foot off the gas in the middle of an economic recovery,” Wyden said of his potential chairmanship.

Dianne Feinstein

Whether Feinstein is chair of the Judiciary Committee in the 117th Congress is still an open question, although it seems unlikely at this point after her performance during the past several weeks.

The California Democrat infuriated progressive outside groups during the panel’s Supreme Court confirmation hearings for Amy Coney Barrett for being civil and deferential to the nominee and Republicans when the left — furious over Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell’s rush to fill the seat before Election Day — wanted the exact opposite. There remains speculation about whether Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) will replace Feinstein atop the committee, or whether she will step down of her own volition. Feinstein’s retirement is another possibility. Neither Feinstein nor her office would comment about her future on the panel.

If Feinstein does leave, Minority Whip Dick Durbin (D-Ill.) is next in line, although the Democratic Caucus may prevent him from serving in leadership and as a committee chair simultaneously. Sen. Sheldon Whitehouse, (D-R.I.), a former U.S. attorney, is third in line.

Bernie Sanders

This is a fascinating scenario. The most liberal senator and former White House hopeful, a lawmaker who has long espoused the dramatic expansion of the federal government’s role in average Americans’ lives, is set to take over the Budget Committee gavel. Yet the federal deficit topped $3 trillion this year and is the largest since World War II, and the U.S. economy remains in tatters due to the coronavirus pandemic.

Sanders wants to reshape the focus of the Budget panel. “We’d create a budget that works for working families, and not the billionaire class,” Sanders said in a brief interview when asked about his agenda if he took over as chair. And if Schumer and the Democrats don’t get rid of the filibuster, Sanders’ committee would be involved in crafting reconciliation bills, allowing a potential Biden administration to push tax and spending bills through the Senate on a simple-majority vote.

However, if Biden wins, Sanders might not be in the Senate for long. POLITICO reported that Sanders has expressed interest in becoming Labor secretary in a possible Biden administration. But that’s far from certain, especially because Vermont’s Republican governor, Phil Scott, would be able to appoint a temporary replacement to Sanders’ seat.

Mark Warner

As vice chair of the Senate Intelligence Committee, Warner has maintained strong relationships across the aisle with the previous chair, Sen. Richard Burr (R-N.C.), and the current acting chair, Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.). Even as the Intelligence Committee has been the epicenter of several Trump-related controversies over the past four years — most notably stemming from Russia’s interference in the 2016 election — Warner has avoided the partisan jabs that have defined the panel’s counterpart across the Capitol, the House Intelligence Committee.

If he becomes chair, the Virginia Democrat will play a critical role in shepherding national security nominees through the Senate — including a director of national intelligence and CIA director — who are not loyal to a political party or a president.

Maria Cantwell

The former tech industry executive, now in her fourth term, is in line to take over the Commerce, Science and Transportation Committee if Democrats are victorious. Cantwell, of Washington state, is cautious about efforts to rein in Big Tech, or break up Google, Amazon or Facebook, and she wants to hear more on antitrust concerns surrounding the tech giants.

“I don’t care who’s in charge next time, I’m going to be talking about how we realize that we’re in an information age and we prepare for the future,” Cantwell said in an interview. “We have a president that basically is ignoring the fact, just like along with the pandemic, instead of realizing we’re in a global economy and an information age and we need to make some adjustments to make sure there are rules in the marketplace and that you invest in job training and education and disruption techniques — smoothing out disruptions.”

Cantwell added: “But I’m a believer we live in this age, not that you can deny it or put your head in the sand. So I don’t care who’s in charge, we’re going to focus on that.”

Cantwell and Commerce Democrats are releasing a report soon analyzing the impact the tech giants have had on local journalism. Hundreds of local and regional newspapers have disappeared as ad revenue has dried up, while Google and Facebook dominate the online ad market. This issue has become a major concern for those worried that the death of local papers is a threat to democracy.

Sherrod Brown

Brown is an old-school blue-collar Democrat who has spent most of his life in public office. But it’s clear the financial services industry may not love Brown as chair of the Banking panel. In 2014, when it looked like the Ohio Democrat may become chair, industry officials called it “frightening.” Six years later, it may be just as scary to them, although progressive Democrats would love it.

Brown, who has made a focus of his career pushing for more affordable housing for the middle class, has called for dramatically ramping up rental assistance during the economic crisis caused by the coronavirus pandemic. And he’s been outspoken on efforts by the Trump administration to weaken fair housing protections. Look for Brown to push both issues if he gets the gavel.

“First thing: We do a major emergency rental assistance. I mean it’s all about housing. The word housing has essentially been left out of that committee the last three or four years. So it’s all about that,” he said.

Brown clashed with Banking Committee Chair Mike Crapo (R-Idaho) and moderate Banking Committee Democrats in 2018 over efforts to weaken Dodd-Frank, the landmark financial regulatory bill. Brown lost that fight, but he won’t lose many more as chair.

Patrick Leahy

Another old-school politician, Leahy has been serving in the Senate since 1975. If Democrats retake the majority, Leahy would become yet again the Senate’s president pro tempore — the senior-most member of the majority party, a position that puts him third in line to the presidency behind the speaker of the House and vice president.

Perhaps most important, though, Leahy would become chair of the powerful Senate Appropriations Committee. He and his counterpart, fellow octogenarian Sen. Richard Shelby (R-Ala.), have a productive working relationship and have shown that they can cut bipartisan deals together.

Leahy’s ascension to the helm of the Appropriations panel also underscores the role of seniority in the Senate. With Leahy atop Appropriations and Sanders chairing Budget, a small state like Vermont would have an outsize impact on federal spending, and it would almost certainly guarantee additional funds for the state.

Patty Murray

Murray, a member of Senate Democratic leadership, would take control of the Health, Education, Labor and Pensions Committee, the principal health care panel in the Senate. With the issue dominating recent elections — including this year’s cycle — the Washington state Democrat would be the face of the party’s efforts to protect and expand on the Affordable Care Act, which has come under assault from the Trump administration.

If Biden wins the White House, the Justice Department will likely drop its effort to invalidate the 2010 law in court, and Biden will work with Senate Democrats to develop a plan that vastly expands Obamacare, including the likely addition of a public option.

Gary Peters

Facing his own reelection fight, the Michigan Democrat’s ascension to the chair of the Senate Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee is not yet certain. But Peters’ goals for the committee, if he becomes chair, are simple: restore bipartisanship.

The committee, the Senate’s chief bipartisan oversight body, has devolved into chaos and distrust over Chair Ron Johnson’s (R-Wis.) efforts to investigate Trump’s political enemies, including the Biden family and former top Obama administration officials.

Peters tends to lay low in the Senate and tout his bipartisan credentials, but he has been forced to take on a role of pushing back against Johnson’s investigations, which he says are politically motivated and intended to boost Trump’s prospects in the election.

“I take great pride in finding ways to work in a bipartisan way,” Peters said in a brief interview. “And the committee has traditionally always worked that way.”

Burgess Everett contributed to this report.

NEW YORK (AP) - Lt. Col. Alexander S. Vindman, the national security aide who offered key testimony during the impeachment hearings of President Donald Trump and later accused the president of running a “campaign of bullying, intimidation, and retaliation," has a book deal.

Harper announced Monday that Vindman's “Here, ...