Pelosi Backs Down, Says She Won’t Try Impeaching Trump Again: Not ‘Worth The Trouble’

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) backed down on Thursday and revealed that she won’t actually try and impeach President Donald Trump for a second time to block him from nominating someone to the Supreme Court.

“I Don’t Think He’s Worth The Trouble”

“I don’t think he’s worth the trouble at this point, we have 40 days until the election,” Pelosi told reporters when asked if she will be trying to impeach the president again“It’s no use orchestrating one thing or another when what really matters in terms of the peaceful transfer of power is that people vote.”

RELATED: AOC, Pelosi Hint Impeachment Should Be Considered To Stop Trump Supreme Court Selection

This comes days after Pelosi hinted in an interview that impeachment was not off the table, saying, “we have arrows in our quiver.”

“We have our options,” she told television host George Stephanopoulos. “This president has threatened to not even accept the results of the election with statements that he and his henchmen have made. Right now, our main goal — and I think Ruth Bader Ginsburg would want that to be to protect the integrity of the election — that we protect the American people from the coronavirus.”

Kevin McCarthy Fires Back

House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-CA) fired back by warning that he will introduce a motion to oust Pelosi if she dares to launch a second impeachment inquiry.

“I will make you this one promise, listening to the speaker on television this weekend, if she tries to move for an impeachment based upon the president following the Constitution, I think there will be a move on the floor to no longer have the question of her being Speaker. She may think she has a quiver — we do too,” McCarthy told reporters.

RELATED: Kevin McCarthy: We’ll Oust Nancy Pelosi If She Tries To Impeach Trump Over SCOTUS Pick

As for Trump, he plans to move forward with announcing his nominee on Saturday to fill the Supreme Court seat that was left vacated by the death of Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg.

“I think it will be on Friday or Saturday and we want to pay respect, it looks like we will have services on Thursday or Friday, as I understand it, and I think we should, with all due respect for Justice Ginsburg, wait for services to be over,” Trump said.

This piece was written by PoliZette Staff on September 24, 2020. It originally appeared in LifeZette and is used by permission.

Read more at LifeZette:
Kayleigh McEnany Slaps Down CNN’s Jim Acosta For Ridiculous Trump Question
Woman Who Allegedly Tried To Assassinate Trump By Sending Him Poison Is Identified
College Professor Uses Ruth Bader Ginsburg’s Death Shameful Attack On Conservatives

The post Pelosi Backs Down, Says She Won’t Try Impeaching Trump Again: Not ‘Worth The Trouble’ appeared first on The Political Insider.

Secret Report: CIA’s Brennan Overruled Dissenters Who Concluded Russia Favored Hillary

By Paul Sperry for RealClearInvestigations

Former CIA Director John Brennan personally edited a crucial section of the intelligence report on Russian interference in the 2016 election and assigned a political ally to take a lead role in writing it after career analysts disputed Brennan’s take that Russian leader Vladimir Putin intervened in the 2016 election to help Donald Trump clinch the White House, according to two senior U.S. intelligence officials who have seen classified materials detailing Brennan’s role in drafting the document.

The explosive conclusion Brennan inserted into the report was used to help justify continuing the Trump-Russia “collusion” investigation, which had been launched by the FBI in 2016.

It was picked up after the election by Special Counsel Robert Mueller, who in the end found no proof that Trump or his campaign conspired with Moscow.

The Obama administration publicly released a declassified version of the report — known as the “Intelligence Community Assessment on Russian Activities and Intentions in Recent Elections (ICA)” — just two weeks before Trump took office, casting a cloud of suspicion over his presidency.

RELATED: Investigation: The Senate’s ‘Russian Collusion’ Report Had No Smoking Gun

Democrats and national media have cited the report to suggest Russia influenced the 2016 outcome and warn that Putin is likely meddling again to reelect Trump.

The ICA is a key focus of U.S. Attorney John Durham’s ongoing investigation into the origins of the “collusion” probe. He wants to know if the intelligence findings were juiced for political purposes.

RealClearInvestigations has learned that one of the CIA operatives who helped Brennan draft the ICA, Andrea Kendall-Taylor, financially supported Hillary Clinton during the campaign and is a close colleague of Eric Ciaramella, identified last year by RCI as the Democratic national security “whistleblower” whose complaint led to Trump’s impeachment, ending in Senate acquittal in January.

The two officials said Brennan, who openly supported Clinton during the campaign, excluded conflicting evidence about Putin’s motives from the report, despite objections from some intelligence analysts who argued Putin counted on Clinton winning the election and viewed Trump as a “wild card.”

The dissenting analysts found that Moscow preferred Clinton because it judged she would work with its leaders, whereas it worried Trump would be too unpredictable.

As secretary of state, Clinton tried to “reset” relations with Moscow to move them to a more positive and cooperative stage, while Trump campaigned on expanding the U.S. military, which Moscow perceived as a threat.

These same analysts argued the Kremlin was generally trying to sow discord and disrupt the American democratic process during the 2016 election cycle.

They also noted that Russia tried to interfere in the 2008 and 2012 races, many years before Trump threw his hat in the ring.

“They complained Brennan took a thesis [that Putin supported Trump] and decided he was going to ignore dissenting data and exaggerate the importance of that conclusion, even though they said it didn’t have any real substance behind it,” said a senior U.S intelligence official who participated in a 2018 review of the spycraft behind the assessment, which President Obama ordered after the 2016 election.

He elaborated that the analysts said they also came under political pressure to back Brennan’s judgment that Putin personally ordered “active measures” against the Clinton campaign to throw the election to Trump, even though the underlying intelligence was “weak.”

RELATED: Subpoenas Authorized For Comey, Brennan, Other Obama-Era Officials Over Russia Investigation

The review, conducted by the House Intelligence Committee, culminated in a lengthy report that was classified and locked in a Capitol basement safe soon after Democratic Rep. Adam Schiff took control of the committee in January 2019.

The official said the committee spent more than 1,200 hours reviewing the ICA and interviewing analysts involved in crafting it, including the chief of Brennan’s so-called “fusion cell,” which was the interagency analytical group Obama’s top spook stood up to look into Russian influence operations during the 2016 election.

Durham is said to be using the long-hidden report, which runs 50-plus pages, as a road map in his investigation of whether the Obama administration politicized intelligence while targeting the Trump campaign and presidential transition in an unprecedented investigation involving wiretapping and other secret surveillance.

The special prosecutor recently interviewed Brennan for several hours at CIA headquarters after obtaining his emails, call logs and other documents from the agency. Durham has also quizzed analysts and supervisors who worked on the ICA.

A spokesman for Brennan said that, according to Durham, he is not the target of a criminal investigation and  “only a witness to events that are under review.”

Durham’s office did not respond to requests for comment.

The senior intelligence official, who spoke on the condition of anonymity to discuss intelligence matters, said former senior CIA political analyst Kendall-Taylor was a key member of the team that worked on the ICA.

A Brennan protégé, she donated hundreds of dollars to Clinton’s 2016 campaign, federal records show. In June, she gave $250 to the Biden Victory Fund.

Kendall-Taylor and Ciaramella entered the CIA as junior analysts around the same time and worked the Russia beat together at CIA headquarters in Langley, Va.

From 2015 to 2018, Kendall-Taylor was detailed to the National Intelligence Council, where she was deputy national intelligence officer for Russia and Eurasia.

Ciaramella succeeded her in that position at NIC, a unit of the Office of the Director of National Intelligence that  oversees the CIA and the other intelligence agencies.

It’s not clear if Ciaramella also played a role in the drafting of the January 2017 assessment. He was working in the White House as a CIA detailee at the time.

The CIA declined comment.

RELATED: Trump Says Obama And Others Likely Guilty Of Treason When Asked About Susan Rice And Obamagate

Kendall-Taylor did not respond to requests for comment, but she recently defended the ICA as a national security expert in a CBS “60 Minutes” interview on Russia’s election activities, arguing it was a slam-dunk case “based on a large body of evidence that demonstrated not only what Russia was doing, but also its intent. And it’s based on a number of different sources, collected human intelligence, technical intelligence.”

But the secret congressional review details how the ICA, which was hastily put together over 30 days at the direction of Obama intelligence czar James Clapper, did not follow longstanding rules for crafting such assessments.

It was not farmed out to other key intelligence agencies for their input, and did not include an annex for dissent, among other extraordinary departures from past tradecraft.

It did, however, include a two-page annex summarizing allegations from a dossier compiled by former British intelligence officer Christopher Steele.

His claim that Putin had personally ordered cyberattacks on the Clinton campaign to help Trump win happened to echo the key finding of the ICA that Brennan supported.

Brennan had briefed Democratic senators about allegations from the dossier on Capitol Hill.

“Some of the FBI source’s [Steele’s] reporting is consistent with the judgment in the assessment,” stated the appended summary, which the two intelligence sources say was written by Brennan loyalists.

“The FBI source claimed, for example, that Putin ordered the influence effort with the aim of defeating Secretary Clinton, whom Putin ‘feared and hated.’ “

Steele’s reporting has since been discredited by the Justice Department’s inspector general as rumor-based opposition research on Trump paid for by the Clinton campaign.

Several allegations have been debunked, even by Steele’s own primary source, who confessed to the FBI that he ginned the rumors up with some of his Russian drinking buddies to earn money from Steele.

Former FBI Director James Comey told the Justice Department’s watchdog that the Steele material, which he referred to as the “Crown material,” was incorporated with the ICA because it was “corroborative of the central thesis of the assessment “The IC analysts found it credible on its face,” Comey said.

The officials who have read the secret congressional report on the ICA dispute that.

They say a number of analysts objected to including the dossier, arguing it was political innuendo and not sound intelligence.

“The staff report makes it fairly clear the assessment was politicized and skewed to discredit Trump’s election,” said the second U.S. intelligence source, who also requested anonymity.

RELATED: Homeland Security Committee: Hunter Biden Received Millions From Ex-Moscow Mayor’s Wife

Kendall-Taylor denied any political bias factored into the intelligence. “To suggest that there was political interference in that process is ridiculous,” she recently told NBC News.

Her boss during the ICA’s drafting was CIA officer Julia Gurganus. Clapper tasked Gurganus, then detailed to NIC as its national intelligence officer for Russia and Eurasia, with coordinating the production of the ICA with Kendall-Taylor.

They, in turn, worked closely with NIC’s cybersecurity expert Vinh Nguyen, who had been consulting with Democratic National Committee cybersecurity contractor CrowdStrike to gather intelligence on the alleged Russian hacking of the Democratic National Committee computer system.

(CrowdStrike’s president has testified he couldn’t say for sure Russian intelligence stole DNC emails, according to recently declassified transcripts.)

Durham’s investigators have focused on people who worked at NIC during the drafting of the ICA, according to recent published reports.

No Input From CIA’s ‘Russia House’

The senior official who identified Kendall-Taylor said Brennan did not seek input from experts from CIA’s so-called Russia House, a department within Langley officially called the Center for Europe and Eurasia, before arriving at the conclusion that Putin meddled in the election to benefit Trump.

“It was not an intelligence assessment. It was not coordinated in the [intelligence] community or even with experts in Russia House,” the official said.

“It was just a small group of people selected and driven by Brennan himself … and Brennan did the editing.”

The official noted that National Security Agency analysts also dissented from the conclusion that Putin personally sought to tilt the scale for Trump.

One of only three agencies from the 17-agency intelligence community invited to participate in the ICA, the NSA had a lower level of confidence than the CIA and FBI, specifically on that bombshell conclusion.

The official said the NSA’s departure was significant because the agency monitors the communications of Russian officials overseas. Yet it could not corroborate Brennan’s preferred conclusion through its signals intelligence.

Former NSA Director Michael Rogers, who has testified that the conclusion about Putin and Trump “didn’t have the same level of sourcing and the same level of multiple sources,” reportedly has been cooperating with Durham’s probe.

The second senior intelligence official, who has read a draft of the still-classified House Intelligence Committee review, confirmed that career intelligence analysts complained that the ICA was tightly controlled and manipulated by Brennan, who previously worked in the Obama White House.

RELATED: FBI Agent Who Discovered Hillary’s Emails On Anthony Weiner’s Laptop Claims He Was Told to Erase His Own Computer

“It wasn’t 17 agencies and it wasn’t even a dozen analysts from the three agencies who wrote the assessment,” as has been widely reported in the media, he said. “It was just five officers of the CIA who wrote it, and Brennan hand-picked all five. And the lead writer was a good friend of Brennan’s.”

Brennan’s tight control over the process of drafting the ICA belies public claims the assessment reflected the “consensus of the entire intelligence community.” His unilateral role also raises doubts about the objectivity of the intelligence.

In his defense, Brennan has pointed to a recent Senate Intelligence Committee report that found “no reason to dispute the Intelligence Community’s conclusions.”

“The ICA correctly found the Russians interfered in our 2016 election to hurt Secretary Clinton and help the candidacy of Donald Trump,” argued committee Vice Chairman Mark Warner, D-Va.

“Our review of the highly classified ICA and underlying intelligence found that this and other conclusions were well-supported,” Warner added. “There is certainly no reason to doubt that the Russians’ success in 2016 is leading them to try again in 2020, and we must not be caught unprepared.”

However, the report completely blacks out a review of the underlying evidence to support the Brennan-inserted conclusion, including an entire section labeled “Putin Ordered Campaign to Influence U.S. Election.” Still, it suggests elsewhere that conclusions are supported by intelligence with “varying substantiation” and with “differing confidence levels.” It also notes “concerns about the use of specific sources.”

Adding to doubts, the committee relied heavily on the closed-door testimony of former Obama homeland security adviser Lisa Monaco, a close Brennan ally who met with Brennan and his “fusion team” at the White House before and after the election. The extent of Monaco’s role in the ICA is unclear.

Brennan last week pledged he would cooperate with two other Senate committees investigating the origins of the Russia “collusion” investigation. The Senate judiciary and governmental affairs panels recently gained authority to subpoena Brennan and other witnesses to testify.

Several Republican lawmakers and former Trump officials are clamoring for the declassification and release of the secret House staff report on the ICA.

RELATED: MSNBC’s Chris Hayes Claims Trump Openly Planning ‘Coup To Steal The Election’

“It’s dynamite,” said former CIA analyst Fred Fleitz, who reviewed the staff report while serving as chief of staff to then-National Security Adviser John Bolton.

“There are things in there that people don’t know,” he told RCI. “It will change the dynamic of our understanding of Russian meddling in the election.”

However, according to the intelligence official who worked on the ICA review, Brennan ensured that it would be next to impossible to declassify his sourcing for the key judgment on Putin. He said Brennan hid all sources and references to the underlying intelligence behind a highly sensitive and compartmented wall of classification.

He explained that he and Clapper created two classified versions of the ICA – a highly restricted Top Secret/Sensitive Compartmented Information version that reveals the sourcing, and a more accessible Top Secret version that omits details about the sourcing.

Unless the classification of compartmented findings can be downgraded, access to Brennan’s questionable sourcing will remain highly restricted, leaving the underlying evidence conveniently opaque, the official said.

Syndicated with permission from RealClearWire.

The post Secret Report: CIA’s Brennan Overruled Dissenters Who Concluded Russia Favored Hillary appeared first on The Political Insider.

Pelosi not considering another Trump impeachment: ‘I don’t think he’s worth the trouble at this point’

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., now says she’s not considering a fresh round of impeachment charges against President Trump to delay a Supreme Court confirmation vote. 

Kevin McCarthy: We’ll Oust Nancy Pelosi If She Tries To Impeach Trump Over SCOTUS Pick

House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy threatened to oust Nancy Pelosi if she attempts to impeach Trump as a means to stop his Supreme Court nominee.

Pelosi, in an interview earlier this week with ABC News’ “This Week,” refused to rule out impeachment of the President or Attorney General William Barr to halt the nomination.

“We have arrows in our quiver that I’m not about to discuss right now, but the fact is we have a big challenge in our country,” the House Speaker stated.

“Listening to the speaker on television this weekend – if she tries to move for an impeachment based upon the president following the Constitution, I think there will be a move on the floor to no longer have the question of her being Speaker,” McCarthy threatened.

“She may think she has a quiver — we do too,” he told reporters.

RELATED: AOC, Pelosi Hint Impeachment Should Be Considered To Stop Trump Supreme Court Selection

Kevin McCarthy Explains Why He’ll Oust Nancy Pelosi

McCarthy proceeded to explain why Pelosi’s threat to impeach – a process typically reserved for high crimes and misdemeanors – would lead to her being ousted.

“The president is supposed to move forward and they will,” he said noting it is Trump’s Constitutional duty to select a replacement for Ruth Bader Ginsburg on the SCOTUS.

“The Senate is supposed to take the action and they will — it’s their constitutional right and they are following through,” he added.

“If Pelosi and House Democrats try to impeach the president, we will take the movement to remove her from speakership,” he reiterated.

RELATED: Tucker Exposes Democrats’ Plan To Stop Trump’s SCOTUS Pick – ‘Burn The Entire F***ing Thing Down’

Pelosi and the Democrats Will Do Anything to Stop Trump From Filling the SCOTUS Vacancy

Impeachment hasn’t been the only arrow in the quiver that Pelosi and the Democrats have threatened to use if they don’t get their way.

Should Trump lose and Democrats regain control of both Houses of Congress, they’ve made it clear they’ll consider packing the Supreme Court with more liberal judges.

New York Rep. Jerry Nadler called on his colleagues to do just that.

Joe Biden said in 2019 that Democrats would “live to rue that day” should they decide to pack the Supreme Court.

More recently, the Democrat nominee has declined to answer the question saying it would distract from the issue at hand.

The late Justice Ginsburg, in an interview with NPR last year, opposed the idea of expanding the court.

“Nine seems to be a good number. It’s been that way for a long time,” she said, adding, “I think it was a bad idea when President Franklin Roosevelt tried to pack the court.”

The post Kevin McCarthy: We’ll Oust Nancy Pelosi If She Tries To Impeach Trump Over SCOTUS Pick appeared first on The Political Insider.

House GOP super PAC begins $2M TV campaign against Ron Kind

National Republicans are launching a $2 million ad campaign against Democratic Rep. Ron Kind — a sign they see a fresh opportunity to flip his rural Wisconsin district.

Congressional Leadership Fund, the House GOP’s chief super PAC, will begin running ads on TV and digital platforms on Friday targeting Kind, a 12-term member who is one of 30 Democrats in districts that President Donald Trump carried in 2016.

Kind is a prominent moderate voice in the House Democratic caucus as a former chair of the New Democrat Coalition and a leading opponent of Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s leadership bids. Though his district has been trending quickly to the right in the Trump era, Kind was thought to be in a strong position this cycle. He has not faced competitive reelections in recent years, besting his 2018 opponent by nearly 20 points.

The group’s spot contrasts the military service of Kind’s opponent, Derrick Van Orden, with what it calls the congressman’s dereliction of duty. A narrator notes Kind missed 138 votes in the last 2.5 years. The ad will air in the La Crosse and Wausau markets.

The decision to go into Kind’s district is notable because new offensive targets have proved rare this cycle for Republicans, who face an increasingly narrow path back to the majority. And they have been pushed into a defensive crouch by Democrats, who have recently made buys targeting deep red seats in Montana, Michigan, Alaska and Colorado.

The GOP initially struggled to find a strong contender to take on Kind. Van Orden, a retired Navy SEAL-turned-author, did not file to run until mid-March of this year and said he decided to do so after Kind voted for the articles of impeachment against Trump.

“The concerted effort Republicans put into recruiting top-tier candidates has allowed us to push deeper into the offensive opportunities some thought might be out of reach this cycle,” CLF President Dan Conston said in a statement.

The group’s internal data from this summer found Trump is still leading Biden in the district, and that a majority of voters want their member of Congress to back the president’s agenda. The generic congressional ballot favors a Republican candidate

President Barack Obama won the seat, which spans the western and southwestern swaths of the state, by 11 points in 2012. Trump won it by nearly 5 points four years later. It is predominantly white and largely rural.

Van Orden is not well-known but has proved a solid fundraiser, and he outraised the incumbent by a 2 to 1 margin in the second quarter. He is already on TV with an ad that links Kind to Pelosi and warns that Kind supports giving stimulus checks to illegal immigrants.

Still, Kind has a formidable cash-on-hand advantage, having banked nearly $3.1 million by late July, compared to Van Orden’s $288,000. The congressman has booked nearly $1.8 million in the district. His opponent has reserved about $1 million, according to data from Advertising Analytics.

No other outside groups have booked air time in the district.

Posted in Uncategorized

‘The hits just keep coming’: Congress stumbles from crisis to crisis

Ancient Egypt only had 10 plagues. The 116th Congress says, ‘Hold my staff.’

The House and Senate have spent the last two years staring down some of the most consequential political events of recent decades: the longest-ever government shutdown; a presidential impeachment; a deadly global pandemic; a deepening economic recession that has led to Depression-era levels of unemployment; a long-overdue national reckoning over race and police brutality; and growing tension with China and Iran and even Saudi Arabia.

But there’s more. This includes natural calamities, from fire tornadoes to wildfires to murder hornets; the death of civil rights icon John Lewis and other influential figures in politics; QAnon extremists marching toward the halls of Congress; and a polarizing president who is known for creating his own conflicts.

And now — 41 days before the election and with the Senate majority up for grabs — there’s a brutal fight over a politically prized Supreme Court seat, with members of both parties eying scorched-earth tactics in ever-more intense partisan warfare, even if it wreaks permanent damage on the institution as a whole.

“Whether we’re dealing with a religious apocalypse or not is up to you. But it’s almost certainly a political apocalypse,” said Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.), a former constitutional law professor who, fittingly, has been wearing a mask depicting William Shakespeare, the greatest dramatist of all time.

The constant stream of disasters and debacles over the past two years has rattled even the most senior lawmakers, putting everyone on edge about what terrible catastrophe could possibly happen next.

“It’s probably the most tumultuous, challenging atmosphere I’ve ever seen up here. And not just for us — this represents what’s going on in the nation. Unusual. Unprecedented,” said veteran Sen. Richard Shelby (R-Ala.), who was first elected to Congress in 1978. “But when a plague comes, it compounds all the other problems.”

As it sputters from crisis to crisis, Congress — already the most detested branch of government — has somehow discovered more ways to disappoint the American public. Both sides agree on just one thing: the partisan politics are outright toxic, and getting worse with each earth-shattering development.

“The hits just keep coming,” said Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), who said trying to follow the frenetic news cycles has been like “drinking out of a water hose.”

“Just when you think you have it figured out, something happens,” added Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.), who served in the House for several terms before assuming his current Senate seat in January 2019.

Even veteran lawmakers say the period feels unprecedented, comparing the political upheaval to the Civil Rights era of the late 1960s or World War II, or in more recent times, the Sept. 11 terrorist attacks.

But now, Republicans and Democrats are wrestling with the overlapping crises of the economy, social justice, public health and discord of the Trump era, generally.

Lawmakers have achieved some success, such as a $2.2 trillion coronavirus relief package that delivered badly needed aid to the most desperate Americans in the early stages of the pandemic. And House Democrats have passed much of their own ambitious agenda, from policing reform to protecting “Dreamers” to infrastructure, only to see it ignored by the GOP-controlled Senate.

Things have gotten so bad, though, that the House and Senate couldn’t renew a law designed to help the victims of violent crimes, let alone another badly needed coronavirus aid bill. The Senate has been unable to pass anti-lynching legislation. And this week, the Senate couldn't even agree on a non-binding resolution honoring Ginsburg amid a heated dispute over filling the Supreme Court vacancy in an election year.

Lawmakers on the left and the right are now casually discussing extreme tactics that could inflict permanent damage on the institution. Democrats are considering blowing up the filibuster and packing the Supreme Court isn’t off the table if Republicans do, indeed, confirm a high court pick with just days to go before the election.

And House GOP leader Kevin McCarthy threatened to move forward with a long-shot bid to oust Nancy Pelosi as speaker if Democrats try to impeach Trump officials in order to slow down the Supreme Court confirmation process — an idea that is not being seriously considered by senior Democrats on Capitol Hill.

“People in some ways feel exhausted with all of it. But we remain committed to doing our jobs here. We know the consequences are so great,” said Rep. Mike Johnson (R-La.), who served as one of Trump’s impeachment surrogates. “We feel the weight of history.”

And it could get worse. With a hyper-charged election ahead, some lawmakers fear that a deadlocked Electoral College could force the House to step in and determine the fate of the presidency — a scenario that has only happened in 1800 and 1824.

In some ways, this session of Congress was doomed from the start.

The two-year stretch — starting last January, when Democrats seized back the House halfway through Trump’s first term — began with the longest government shutdown in U.S. history that onlookers described as an “ugly” and “pathetic” milestone.

Then there was the release of special counsel Robert Mueller’s report, the migrant crisis at the Southern border, a near-war with Iran and eventually, the third presidential impeachment in American history, all in 2019.

Many lawmakers, particularly Democrats, are quick to blame Trump for fueling the nonstop drip-drip of news. But a mix of compounding factors — such as growing cultural divides, shifting demographics and the rise of social media and online misinformation — have also helped fuel the polarization.

“The impeachment seems as if it were lifetimes ago. It’s like the war of 1812,” said Raskin.

2020 has, of course, shattered almost every semblance of normalcy in the U.S., with 200,000 Americans dying of the coronavirus and millions more losing their jobs, all while the nation suffered from a different epidemic — police killings of unarmed Black people.

Then there are the losses of storied national figures, such as Lewis, late House Oversight Chairman Elijah Cummings and now feminist pioneer Ruth Bader Ginsburg.

Freshman Rep. Dean Phillips (D-Minn.) said he was celebrating his first wedding anniversary with his wife Friday night when he received the news about Ginsburg’s passing, which he described as a gut punch — especially on top of everything else.

“There are days where you feel like everything bad that could have happened, has,” the Minnesota Democrat said. “And there are other days you recognize it always can get worse.”

“My dad used to say, ‘You’ve got to turn chicken crap into chicken salad," he added.

For freshman lawmakers, including dozens who arrived in Congress after highly competitive races — this constant state of crisis is all they know as a member. Their political careers were essentially born into, and molded by, the fire.

Just months after being sworn in, this year’s freshman class was making the kind of decisions that would define their political obituary — whether to impeach a president, whether to add trillions of dollars to the national debt, whether to back historic policing reforms.

But they say that has only made them more battle-tested.

“I think our freshman class has endured some of the most challenging times ever in the history of the Congress. Certainly in my lifetime,” said Rep. David Cicilline (D-R.I.), a five-term member of Democratic leadership. “I assure them, everytime I talk to them, this will be the hardest term you’ll ever have.

“At least I hope that’s true,” he added. “It can’t get any worse.”

House Majority Whip Jim Clyburn (D-S.C.), too, acknowledged the historic nature of the 116th Congress and jokingly suggested there could be even more drama, referring to the push within the Democratic base to impeach a Trump appointee in an attempt to slow-walk the Senate GOP’s nomination to replace Ginsburg.

“We might be coming full circle,” Clyburn said with a chuckle. “Start with an impeachment and end with an impeachment... I think this country is living out its true meaning, a living constitution.”

Posted in Uncategorized

Trump investigating idea of ‘loyal electors’ who will vote for him, regardless of election results

There’s little doubt that Donald Trump is willing to do anything at all to hold onto power. He’s already proven that with the actions that ended with his impeachment, and expanded on that proof to a horrific degree when he purposely discarded a national testing plan for COVID-19 out of hopes that more people would die in Democratic states. When someone is ready to discard hundreds of thousands of people just on the chance it will bolster their odds, it’s hard to think there’s any lines that can’t be crossed in trying to keep his stubby hands on the reins.

To that end, Trump has already spent the first part of this year:

  • Tearing apart the Postal Service
  • Spreading lies about vote by mail
  • Testing the use of force to block protests
  • Fomenting violence in democratically led cities

To prepare against the day when the numbers show voters want him to leave their house.

But there’s one more step Trump is taking that’s designed to ensure he can’t lose. Like … really can’t lose. That step goes back to one of the least favorite parts of the system created by eighteenth century people unable to imagine a world in which electronic communication could tie the nation together in an instant: the Electoral College.

Like the Senate filibuster, the Electoral College is an institution that ensures a handful of people can control the fate of vast issues. Everyone recognizes that it’s undemocratic. Only those who absolutely depend on it—like Republicans who have lost the popular vote in six of the last seven elections—have anything nice to say about it. It was an overly complicated idea in 1788. It’s a ridiculous relic today.

Barton Gellman's latest article in The Atlantic is notable for the forthright discussion of how Trump is unlikely to be pried from the White House without, at the very least, a legal fight. One of the biggest reasons that the Republicans are hurrying to get a fresh Trump appointment into the Supreme Court—even if that means making the selection while Justice Ruth Bader Ginsburg is still lying in state at the Capitol—is precisely so that there will be a heavily Trump-friendly majority on the court when the lawsuits inevitably arrive on its doorsteps. After all, Republicans don’t want to take the chance John Roberts has a twinge of conscience. 

But in addition to laying the public groundwork by disparaging mailed-in votes and planting false stories of foreign nations seeding America with fake ballots, there’s another big step that the Trump campaign is making more quietly in the effort to prepare for a loss at the polls. After all, Trump doesn’t have to win at the polls to secure his spot in the White House—he already proved that in 2016.

However, 2016 swung on a very small number of votes in a few swing states. Right now, Trump is further behind in the polls than he ever was in that cycle, and he’s well behind in several states that he won last time around. But that may not be an issue.

The meeting of the Electoral College in December, and the count of those votes in January, immediately after Congress is seated, are supposed to be formalities. Sure, the college itself is a democracy-warping relic that gives way too much power to small numbers of people in specific states while disenfranchising tens of millions. But at least the process of executing the vote is more or less ceremonial. Except when it’s not. 

In 2000, with the vote in the Electoral College looming and many people urging him to fight on, Al Gore went before the nation to say “Tonight, for the sake of our unity as a people and the strength of our democracy, I offer my concession.” It is impossible to even imagine Trump making such a speech. If Trump refuses to concede, no matter what the outcome in the popular vote or the Electoral College, there is no real procedure in place for making him go. 

And there’s another threat: the electors themselves.

We are accustomed to choosing electors by popular vote, but nothing in the Constitution says it has to be that way. Article II provides that each state shall appoint electors “in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct.” Since the late 19th century, every state has ceded the decision to its voters. Even so, the Supreme Court affirmed in Bush v. Gore that a state “can take back the power to appoint electors.” How and when a state might do so has not been tested for well over a century.

Republican sources report that the Trump team is already conducting a low-level campaign to test their ability to seat electors who are “loyal” not in the sense that they vote according to the outcome of the election, but in the sense that they vote for Trump, no matter what.

Six of the most critical states—Arizona, Florida, Michigan, North Carolina, Pennsylvania, and Wisconsin—have both chambers of the state legislature controlled by Republicans. What happens if the voters of Florida or Pennsylvania give Biden a solid victory, but the legislatures of those states seat electors who all promise to vote for Trump? It would go to court, of course, but how would a newly appointed Trump justice rule on a case about “in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct?” The Supreme Court, the with Ruth Bader Ginsburg Court, recently ruled that states could pass laws prohibiting faithless electors. But it’s unclear if those laws would stand up to deliberate meddling by Trump-favoring legislatures. Some state officials are currently denying this effort, which means about as much as a denial from Trump.

As with every other contingency, the possibility of Trump exercising these anti-democracy measures drops with every percentage point of his defeat. Trump doesn’t just need to lose, he needs to lose so badly that everyone, top to bottom, gets the message. So badly, that everyone sees that opposing the will of the voters would not mean a protest, but a revolution. So badly that everyone will be buying new ten foot poles just to keep him at a distance.

Trump will try to cheat. If there is any possible means in which he can claim victory, even it means doing to the Constitution what Mitch McConnell has done to the Senate rules, he will go there. His rejection must be visceral and decisive, because anything else he will read as weakness.