Partisan rift widens on immigration policy, as seen in two House hearings 

Republicans and Democrats kicked off the first major immigration policy meetings of the new Congress at odds, with little agreement on even the most basic facts on the issue.

The parties have now faced off on the legislative stage twice, in hearings convened by the House Judiciary and House Oversight and Accountability committees. They’ve accomplished little more than to highlight the growing partisan split, despite a plea to “find a solution" from the El Paso Border Patrol sector chief.

The Judiciary Committee, led by GOP firebrand Rep. Jim Jordan (Ohio), hosted the more combative hearing, focusing on an alleged correlation between immigration and fentanyl trafficking and accusing the Biden administration of purposely dismantling border security.

"Make no mistake, the Biden administration is carrying out its plan," said Jordan in his opening remarks last week.

"We all heard [Homeland Security] Secretary [Alejandro] Mayorkas, who sat in front of this committee and said, 'we are executing our plan on the border.' And we all heard President Biden say, 'we're trying to make it easier for people to get here.' Well, they're certainly succeeding in that," added Jordan.

Tuesday’s Oversight hearing led by Rep. James Comer (R-Ky.), which featured two Border Patrol sector chiefs as witnesses, was comparatively phlegmatic, though Democrats still voiced their anger at the GOP's handling of the subject matter.

"The extreme MAGA forces in the Republican Party have chosen to abandon the pro-immigration stance of Abraham Lincoln and Ronald Reagan and instead spread fear about a 'foreign invasion,' paranoia about the racist and antisemitic 'Great Replacement' mythology, and disinformation about fentanyl — the vast majority of which is brought into our country by American smugglers working for the international drug cartels and traveling through lawful ports of entry," said Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.), the top Democrat on the Oversight Committee.

"I ardently hope today’s hearing will become a chance to search for bipartisan agreement rather than another missed opportunity. … Turning this into more bad political theater will just extend the long pattern of failure on this question."

But Raskin's hopes for bipartisanship were quickly quashed.

Following Comer and Raskin's opening remarks, Comer took the microphone to complain about a White House memo released early Tuesday that said, "House Republicans are more interested in staging political stunts than on rolling up their sleeves to work with President Biden and Democrats in Congress," and a tweet from the Oversight Democrats wishing, "Good morning and good luck to everyone except @GOPoversight members who are using today's hearing to amplify white nationalist conspiracy theories instead of a comprehensive solution to protect our borders and strengthen our immigration system."

"I mean, really? I don't even know what to say about that," said Comer, before reminding Democrats that House rules prohibit personal attacks between members.

For the next five hours, Oversight members essentially replicated the bifurcated proceedings of a week prior at the Judiciary Committee.

At the heart of the rift, apparent in both hearings, is a disagreement over whether the fentanyl crisis, legal immigration, asylum and border security should be treated as separate issues, or whether a border crackdown would resolve them all.

But the witnesses were a key distinction between the two hearings.

Comer invited two active duty border security professionals, Border Patrol Rio Grande Valley Sector Chief Agent Gloria Chavez and Tucson Sector Chief Agent John Modlin, both of whom fielded questions from Republicans and Democrats alike on a variety of border-related issues.

“If I wanted to have a big political hearing that was full of red meat, we would have victims’ families that lost their lives to fentanyl. We would have people that have been human trafficked. But we’re not. We just asked four Border Patrol bosses," Comer told attendants at a National Press Club event last month.

Jordan took the "red meat" approach, calling on Brandon Dunn, a father whose son died from a fentanyl overdose and the founder of Forever 15 Project, an organization to raise awareness of the dangers of the drug.

The Ohio Republican also called on Cochise County, Ariz., Sheriff Mark Dannels and Dale Lynn Carruthers, county judge of Terrell County, Texas (though Carruthers was unable to attend because of weather conditions).

Advocates were heavily critical of Jordan's choice of Dannels and Carruthers as witnesses, pointing to Dannels's frequent appearances on right-wing media and alleged connections to immigration restrictionist groups.

Heidi Beirich, an expert in American and European right-wing groups and co-founder of the Global Project Against Hate and Extremism, said both Dannels and Carruthers had embraced the rhetoric of an "invasion" at the southern border.

"The fact that Daniels and Carruthers have engaged in this racist rhetoric about immigrants and their ties to hate and other extremist groups disqualify them from any productive discussions on things related to immigration," said Beirich.

Scores of Democrats called out the GOP's "invasion" rhetoric as going too far, though most Republicans avoided the word, and Rep. Wesley Hunt (R-Texas) defended its use.

"The definition of an invasion is an incursion by a large number of people or things into a place or sphere of activity,” he said, repeating claims that enough fentanyl has entered the U.S. to “kill every American five times.”

"I would consider that to be the direct definition of the word invasion,” Hunt said.

But Democrats largely countered that point with Customs and Border Protection data that shows more than 90 percent of fentanyl enters the United States through legal ports of entry.

"This hearing isn't about border security or solving our opioid crisis. It isn't even facts. What it's about is painting immigrants as villains in order for my colleagues to further their anti-immigrant agenda," said Rep. Jimmy Gomez (D-Calif.).

"Republicans are trying to rewrite history to hide their extremist agenda from the American people," he added. "This extreme wing is trying to say that immigrants are trafficking fentanyl across an unchecked border but we know that that's not true. Why? Because it happens at the ports of entry by U.S. citizens, not mainly by asylum seekers."

The partisan split on immigration policy prescriptions is nothing new.

"This is just exactly the kind of finger-pointing rather than serious efforts of problem solving, and political theater rather than problem solving that we're likely to see because the Congress has abdicated its role for decades now, where immigration – and updating immigration laws and capabilities – are concerned," said Doris Meissner, a former commissioner of the U.S. Immigration and Naturalization Service who now leads the Migration Policy Institute's U.S. Immigration Policy Program.

But the rift has grown in scope and in political impact.

"​​The worldview seems so dichotomous. How in the world do we bridge a gap?" said Rep. Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.), who shortly after the Judiciary hearing led a group calling for the impeachment of Mayorkas.

Democrats are convinced the GOP's hard line is just political grandstanding.

"It's the presidential election starting now. Immigration is the issue. It's an effective one that continues to be used over and over. It will be ugly," said Rep. Lou Correa (D-Calif.).

Despite the distance between the two parties, the Border Patrol officers at Tuesday’s hearing, who largely relayed a landscape of officers under-resourced compared with smugglers and cartels, pleaded for some kind of legislative action.

"I think we really just need to embrace change, good change, so that we reform our immigration law and have that balance between immigration and border security and get serious about that. We need to find a solution," said Chavez, the Rio Grande Valley Border Patrol sector chief.

Emily Brooks contributed.

Mary Miller to skip Biden’s State of the Union

Rep. Mary Miller (R-Ill.) said she will skip President Biden's State of the Union on Tuesday, saying she does not want to "show up to and listen to him continue to lie."

In a statement released Monday by her office, Miller said she is boycotting the president’s speech over his failure to properly address recent issues including the national security risk posed by the Chinese balloon and the discovery of classified documents in his home and office.

"Joe Biden’s presidency has been filled with lie after lie, especially lies about the border being secure, inflation being temporary, and the DOJ targeting parents for attending school board meetings," she said. "I will not be attending Biden’s State of the Union to listen to him lie about the damage he has caused to our country while the left-wing media and members of Congress applaud his lies.”

Miller also lamented former Speaker Nancy Pelosi ripping up President Trump's third State of the Union address in 2020, "which celebrated a secure border, support for our military, and American energy independence."

In an interview with Breitbart News over the weekend, Miller also accused Biden of lying about the southern border being secure and the impact of his policies on energy prices.

“I mean, I could go on and on with his lies,” she added.

Even though she won’t attend, she’s invited a guest.

In the statement released by her office, Miller announced that should will be bringing Retired Illinois Air Force Colonel (Ret.) Mark A. Hurley as her guest, who left the military over Biden’s COVID-19 vaccine.

“Biden used the COVID vaccine mandate as a political purge to force the best and the brightest out of our military, and Biden has still failed to provide accountability for his disastrous withdrawal from Afghanistan more than two years ago,” Miller said.

Hurley called the invite an “honor” and praised Miller and House Speaker Kevin McCarthy for their efforts to end the COVID military vaccine requirement.

“These legislative leaders continued the battle we did not have time to complete through our normal chain of command,” Hurley said. “We are truly grateful for the thousands of military careers they have saved.”

Miller will likely not be alone in her decision, as many lawmakers in the past have also skipped a president's State of the Union to project partisan disgust.

In 1999, several GOP lawmakers boycotted then-President Clinton's address while the Senate was still conducting an impeachment trial over his affair with a White House intern. More recently, during former President Trump’s time in office, several Democratic lawmakers chose to boycott his State of the Union addresses, as well as his inauguration.

Updated at 6:09 p.m.

Republicans introduce second impeachment article for Mayorkas

GOP lawmakers banded together to file an additional resolution that would impeach Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas, filing a second bill to do so less than a month into the new Congress.

The resolution filed Wednesday comes after its sponsor, Rep. Andy Biggs (R-Ariz.), promised a resolution with “even more justification” than a first resolution filed immediately after the Speaker’s race concluded.

Biggs called Mayorkas “chief architect of the migration and drug invasion at our southern border” in a press release announcing the move and argued the uptick in migration is a result of a “willful and intentional” violation of Mayorkas’s oath of office. 

But Biggs’s efforts clash with those in the party who say impeachment should follow a thorough inquiry, a promise House Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) made in November when he said the GOP would “investigate every order, every action” to determine whether to begin an inquiry.

House Republicans are split over how to pursue the topic and how speedily to do so. 

“We made the argument that impeachment was rushed — the second impeachment — and I think that’s not who we are as a party,” Rep. Michael McCaul (R-Texas) previously told The Hill in reference to the second impeachment of former President Trump.

He said it’s the committees of jurisdiction that should be leading the inquiry.

“We need to have hearings on this and we need to gather evidence and facts and, look, do I think the guy has done a terrible job? Yes,“ McCaul said. “Do I think he’s been derelict in his responsibilities? Yes. But we need to get all this together, and do it in a methodical way.”

Biggs's resolution is largely based on the Secure Fence Act of 2006, which requires the Homeland Security secretary “take all actions the Secretary determines necessary and appropriate to achieve and maintain operational control” of the border.

But the law, true to its name, primarily deals with fencing. It says the the secretary should weigh operational control for the border in regards to both surveillance and “physical infrastructure enhancements.”

Only one Cabinet member has been impeached in history — former President Grant’s secretary of war, William Belknap, who was accused of taking kickbacks from a contractor he appointed to run the trader post in Fort Sill, Okla. Belknap resigned before facing an almost-certain Senate conviction, a fate that’s unlikely to play out with Mayorkas given the Democratic majority in the upper chamber.

The Department of Homeland Security (DHS) didn’t immediately respond to request for comment, but the agency has previously noted Mayorkas has no plans to resign.

“Secretary Mayorkas is proud to advance the noble mission of this Department, support its extraordinary workforce, and serve the American people.  The Department will continue our work to enforce our laws and secure our border, while building a safe, orderly, and humane immigration system,” DHS said after the introduction of the first resolution. 

“Members of Congress can do better than point the finger at someone else; they should come to the table and work on solutions for our broken system and outdated laws, which they have not updated in over 40 years.”

Jim Jordan wields the gavel — and new power

Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio), the pugnacious lawmaker who has been one of former President Trump’s top defenders, has long had a microphone. But now, Jordan has something he’s long sought: a gavel.

Once a thorn in the side of House GOP leaders, Jordan has been elevated to be a top attack dog against Democrats. With the new power to not only direct congressional hearings but utilize subpoenas, Jordan will be both a standard-bearer for the GOP base and a sculptor of the Washington political landscape for the next two years.

In Jordan’s debut hearing as chairman of the House Judiciary Committee on Wednesday, the first in a series planned on examining border and migration policies, he made clear that his fiery style is sticking around as his power increases. 

He accused the Biden administration of intentionally not having “operational control” of the border. 

“Month after month after month, we have set records for migrants coming into the country. … It seems deliberate. It seems premeditated. It seems intentional,” Jordan said.

The comment lays the groundwork for potential impeachment of Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas, a process Jordan would oversee.

Jordan’s fast-talking, confrontational style is exactly what House GOP members like to see from him — and what sets off alarm bells for Democrats.

“Jordan has many talents, and one of them is that he can speak extremely rapidly. So I tell members, the key thing is to take notes on what he's saying so you don't forget about some drive-by fallacies or mischaracterizations that you might forget about by the end of the statement,” said Rep. Jamie Raskin (D-Md.), a member of the Judiciary Committee and ranking member on the House Oversight and Accountability Committee.

“I always feel like there is a real three-dimensional human being struggling to get out behind the rapid-fire, right-wing polemicist that we see on stage. But everybody thinks I'm an optimist,” Raskin said.

GOP members, on the other hand, praised Jordan for how he has led Republicans on the panel. Rep. Darrell Issa (R-Calif.) said that Jordan is "very good at not monopolizing time" and ensures that other members have time to talk. Rep. Thomas Massie (R-Ky.) praised Jordan for elevating members based on their talents rather than by seniority.

“If you've got a band, there's some people who won't hire a guitarist who's better than them or a drummer who's better than them, and so the band suffers. Jim Jordan is the opposite of that,” Massie said.

But Rep. Ken Buck (R-Colo.), who has clashed with Jordan on antitrust issues, was more terse. “He's going to get some feedback instead of giving feedback all the time," he said of Jordan holding the gavel.

In addition to taking a look at policies on the border, major topics for Jordan-led investigations by the Judiciary panel will include GOP allegations of political bias at the Department of Justice and FBI as well as in big tech and social media.

Jordan’s overall popularity in the House GOP was on display during Speaker Kevin McCarthy’s (R-Calif.) battle to win the Speakership. Some of the 20 members who forced McCarthy into a drawn-out floor fight nominated and voted for Jordan instead.

Jordan, a founder of the confrontational House Freedom Caucus, had challenged McCarthy to lead House Republicans in 2018. 

But Jordan supported McCarthy for Speaker, saying that his priority was to oversee investigations. After the 2018 challenge, Jordan was elevated to be ranking member on the Oversight panel and then switched over to be ranking member of the Judiciary panel.

Rep. Matt Gaetz (R-Fla.), one of the members who voted for Jordan to be Speaker, said Jordan is “our hardest-working, most talented number.”

Jordan is also heading up a new GOP select subcommittee formed with the goal of investigating the “weaponization” of the federal government, which is expected to probe deeper into alleged political bias in the Department of Justice and FBI, including its role in investigating former President Trump.

It’s a role that will leave the fiery Jordan front and center in representing the GOP, this time imbued with subpoena power as he works to arm-wrestle Biden administration agencies previously under little obligation to comply with minority oversight.

Much of the work of the weaponization subcommittee can pick up where Jordan and the larger Judiciary Committee left off.

Last year, he sent more than 100 letters to the FBI and Justice Department ahead of his own expected probes of the two agencies.

“The gavel changes a lot. His questions are now going to be answered where he has sent out hundreds of letters … that have been ignored for as much as four years between two committees,” Issa said.

The weaponization subcommittee was established with some unique powers, including the power to oversee “ongoing criminal investigations.” 

That allows the 15 lawmakers on the panel to have access to the same information shared with the House Intelligence Committee, which receives some of the most closely guarded information the intelligence community shares with members of Congress. 

Democrats fear the panel could be used to interfere with multiple ongoing probes, including into former President Trump for his role in the deadly Jan. 6, 2021, riot as well as the mishandling of classified records at his Florida home.

“Jim Jordan and Kevin McCarthy claim to be investigating the weaponization of the federal government when, in fact, this new select committee is the weapon itself,” Judiciary Committee ranking member Jerry Nadler (D-N.Y.) said.

Democrats fill out select committees on Intel, China, COVID-19 and weaponization

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) on Wednesday filled out the final spots for the party's committee roster in the new Congress, naming the members of the select committees on Intelligence, China, COVID-19 and the "weaponization" of government.

Rep. Jim Himes (D-Conn.) secured the party's top spot on the House Intelligence — an expected ascension that came after Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) blocked Rep. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) from the panel.

Rep. Raja Krishnamoorthi (D-Ill.), a member of the Congressional Asian Pacific American Caucus, will take the top Democratic seat on the Select Committee on the Strategic Competition Between the United States and the Chinese Communist Party, a panel created last month with broad bipartisan support.

Leading the Democrats on the Select Subcommittee on the Coronavirus Pandemic will be Rep. Raul Ruiz (D-Calif.), a former emergency room physician who will likely face off against Republicans over both the origins of COVID-19 and the federal response to the pandemic.

And Del. Stacey Plaskett (D-V.I.) will serve as ranking member of the Select Subcommittee on the Weaponization of the Federal Government. Plaskett served as a manager in the second impeachment of former President Trump, following the Jan. 6, 2021, rampage at the Capitol, and will now have the responsibility of leading the Democrats' defense of the Biden administration — and federal institutions more broadly — in the face of Republican charges of a "deep state" conspiracy against conservatives.

In making the announcements, Jeffries vowed that Democrats will collaborate with select committee Republicans whenever the opportunity arises, but will fight back against political attacks when the situation demands.

"Under the leadership of our four Ranking Members, House Democrats will endeavor to work in a bipartisan fashion where possible and will also stand up to extremism from the other side of the aisle wherever and whenever necessary," he said. 

Jeffries's decision to seat Democrats on all the select committees — even the most polarizing panels — marked a departure from McCarthy's strategy in the last Congress, when Republicans boycotted the special committee created to investigate Jan. 6 riot at the Capitol. Many Republicans criticized that decision — including Trump — after the investigation went public with a long series of televised hearings, where the former president was without a line of defense.

Democrats have adopted a different approach, placing members on even the most controversial committees to ensure that Biden and his administration have voices in their corner to counter the Republican attacks.

The weaponization committee, which was created along strict party lines, is expected to be the most polarizing, with GOP leaders tapping Rep. Jim Jordan (R-Ohio), a pugnacious Trump ally, as the chairman. Jordan has accused the federal government, particularly the FBI and other law enforcement agencies, of an inherent bias against conservatives — a charge that both the agencies and congressional Democrats refute.

“This committee is nothing more than a deranged ploy by the MAGA extremists who have hijacked the Republican Party and now want to use taxpayer money to push their far-right conspiracy nonsense," Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.) said during the vote to form the panel.

Plaskett was one of several Democrats who fell off of the powerful Ways and Means Committee this year as part of the reshuffling that saw Democrats lose seats as they fell into the minority.  

Aside from Plaskett, the Democrats on the panel will be Reps. Stephen Lynch (Mass.), Linda Sánchez (Calif.), Debbie Wasserman Schultz (Fla.), Gerry Connolly (Va.), John Garamendi (Calif.), Colin Allred (Texas), Sylvia Garcia (Texas) and Dan Goldman, a New York freshman.

The COVID-19 panel, led by GOP Rep. Brad Wenstrup (Ohio), is also expected to be an arena of partisan combat.

Since the pandemic hit three years ago, Republicans have bashed public health officials — particularly Anthony Fauci, the former head of the National Institute of Allergy and Infectious Diseases — for recommending masks, commercial shutdowns and other precautionary measures to fight the virus. They've also accused Fauci and other health officials of disguising the origin of the coronavirus and the government's gain-of-function research in China — highly partisan topics that are sure to surface quickly when the panel begins its work.

Providing the defense, Ruiz will be joined by Democratic Reps. Debbie Dingell (Mich.), Kweisi Mfume (Md.), Deborah Ross (N.C.) and Robert Garcia, a freshman from California.

The China committee is expected to be more cordial, as both parties are voicing concerns that Beijing's growing global presence poses a direct threat to America's national security and economic well-being. The panel was created with broad bipartisan support, and is chaired by Rep. Mike Gallagher (R-Wis.), a member of the Intelligence Committee who has worked well with Democrats. He and Krishnamoorthi have already co-sponsored legislation to ban Tim-Tok across the country.

The other Democrats on the China panel will be Reps. Kathy Castor (Fla.), André Carson (Ind), Seth Moulton (Mass.), Ro Khanna (Calif.), Andy Kim (N.J.), Mikie Sherrill (N.J.), Haley Stevens (Mich.), Jake Auchincloss (Mass.), Ritchie Torres (N.Y.) and Shontel Brown (Ohio).

In choosing a top Democrat for the Intelligence Committee, Jeffries faced a bounty of options: Virtually every Democrat on the panel, including Carson and Krishnamoorthi, was interested in replacing Schiff. Himes, however, was the expected pick of former Speaker Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.), had she remained in power, and Jeffries didn't stray from that plan.

Joining Himes on Intel will be Democratic Reps. Carson, Joaquin Castro (Texas), Krishnamoorthi, Jason Crow (Colo.), Ami Bera (Calif.), Plaskett, Josh Gottheimer (N.J.), Jimmy Gomez (Calif.), Chrissy Houlahan (Pa.) and Abigail Spanberger (Va.).

The panel is led by Chairman Michael Turner (R-Ohio).

Updated at 7:54 p.m.

Democrat says booting Schiff, Swalwell from Intel committee ‘hurts our national security’

Rep. Jim Himes (D-Conn.), a member of the House Intelligence Committee, said Sunday that Speaker Kevin McCarthy's (R-Calif.) removal of Democratic Reps. Eric Swalwell (Calif.) and Adam Schiff (Calif.) from the panel will hurt the county.

Himes told “MSNBC Reports” host Alex Witt that he understands why Republicans are so angry with Schiff, who led the first impeachment of former President Trump.

“That made them angry. And to appease his right wing, Kevin McCarthy sort of had to throw Adam Schiff on the fire along with Eric Swalwell,” Himes said, referring to the Speaker's decision to block the lawmakers from the Intelligence Committee.

“That hurts our national security. Between the two of them, they’ve got 20 years of intelligence oversight, and that evidently is gone now,” Himes added. “And that’s a — that makes us a less safe country.”

McCarthy formally blocked both Schiff and Swalwell from serving on the Intelligence Committee in a letter to House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.), writing that both lawmaker's previous actions made them unfit to have jurisdiction over and access to sensitive national security issues. 

“In order to maintain a standard worthy of this committee’s responsibilities, I am hereby rejecting the appointments of Representative Adam Schiff and Representative Eric Swalwell to serve on the Intelligence Committee,” McCarthy wrote in his letter. 

McCarthy is also seeking to block Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) from serving on the House Foreign Affairs Committee. However, unlike Intelligence, which is a select committee, McCarthy will need majority support in the House to oust Omar, and it's unclear he has the votes.

All three Democrats targeted by McCarthy appeared on Sunday shows to defend themselves.

“This is some Bakersfield BS,” Swalwell said on CNN’s “State of the Union”.

“It’s Kevin McCarthy weaponizing his ability to commit this political abuse because he perceives me, just like Mr. Schiff and Ms. Omar, as an effective political opponent,” he said.

House Intel members look for ‘reset’ after partisan era of Schiff, Nunes

The House Intelligence Committee will get a facelift this Congress following the booting of its former chairman and the retirement of a prior ranking member — a drastic makeover that’s prompting internal hopes that the panel can move beyond the partisan battles that have practically defined it in recent years.

The committee launched the last Congress with Reps. Adam Schiff (D-Calif.) and Devin Nunes (R-Calif.) at the helm, two national — and highly polarizing — figures whose epic battles, waged predominantly over issues related to former President Trump, came to symbolize the panel’s shift from a rare bastion of bipartisan cooperation to an arena of partisan warfare. 

This year, there may be a turnaround.

Nunes retired from Congress last January to lead the Trump Media & Technology Group, the former president’s social media company. And this week, Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) blocked Schiff from sitting on the panel, accusing the former chairman of lying to the public about Trump’s ties to Russia. 

Schiff’s eviction drew howls from Democrats, who denied the charges and rushed to his defense. But amid the protests, even some Democrats acknowledged that both Schiff and Nunes had become so radioactive in the eyes of the opposing party that it became a drag on the work of the committee. 

With that in mind, committee members of both parties are hoping the roster reshuffling will turn a page on that combative era and return the panel to its historic image as a largely collaborative body. 

"We're hoping it'll be a reset, and we can get past all the infighting … and just focus on national security,” said a source familiar with the committee dynamics.

Rep. Mike Gallagher (R-Wis.), who was first seated on the panel in the last Congress, echoed that message, saying the new chairman, Rep. Michael Turner (R-Ohio), is making improved relations a priority as he takes the gavel.

"That's the goal,” Gallagher said. “I think we've got really good, thoughtful members. We've got the right leadership in Turner. And we're trying to get back to that more bipartisan approach.” 

In denying committee seats to Schiff, along with Rep. Eric Swalwell (D-Calif.), McCarthy claimed their exit would help move the panel in a less partisan direction — something the two Democrats and their allies deny.

“I think what McCarthy is doing is actually quite the opposite,” Schiff said.

“He's politicizing the committee. No Speaker has ever sought to interfere with who the ranking member on the Intelligence Committee should be. Certainly, [Former] Speaker [Nancy] Pelosi had many differences with Devin Nunes, but she has a reverence for the work of the committee and Kevin McCarthy evidently doesn't.”

Members of both parties pointed to Nunes’s departure, at the start of last year, as the beginning of improved relations on the panel. 

“We entered a new chapter after Nunes left. It really changed with Turner, a ton. And so I suppose maybe from their side they think that something is going to change on our side without Schiff and Swalwell. Perhaps? But I really thought everything changed for the better once Nunes was gone. We were very collegial,” said one Democratic source familiar with the panel’s innerworkings.

Rep. Chris Stewart (R-Utah), an eight-year veteran of the Intel Committee, cautioned against pinning the panel’s problems on any one person.

“I don't want to say, ‘Yeah, the committee is going to work beautifully now because those two are gone,’” he said of Schiff and Swalwell, “because that would be unfair, and it wouldn't be accurate. So I don't want to indicate that the committee didn't work, or was more political, only because of them.”

Still, Stewart also said it was “fair” to say Nunes contributed to the panel’s combative environment —  a dynamic he blamed on the charged atmosphere of the Trump years, which also featured Schiff playing lead manager of Trump’s first impeachment. 

“Devin was associated with those very contentious times just like Adam Schiff was associated with those very contentious times. I don't think it was necessarily Devin, I think it was the two leaders who had to navigate through those tough times,” he said.

Rep. Jim Himes (D-Conn.), another member, agreed that the impeachment era soured the committee’s dynamic, though he contributed the deterioration largely to the Republicans’ defense of Trump.

“Whatever my own view is, obviously, the committee became enormously polarized, which is pretty unusual. When we moved on [after] Ukraine, it already started to repair itself. You know, Devin Nunes moved on,” Himes said. “Mike Turner, in my opinion, has always been a fair actor.”

Turner declined to talk this week. 

The full roster of the committee remains unclear. While Republicans have named their members — including new additions that include Reps. Dan Crenshaw (Texas), Michael Waltz (Fla.) and French Hill (Ark.) — Democrats are waiting for Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (N.Y.) to make his accompanying selections.

“A lot will depend on that,” said Gallagher. “But I hope that Leader Jeffries looks at who we've appointed … and responds in-kind with, not just bomb-throwers, but solutions-oriented types.” 

McCarthy’s refusal to seat Schiff has created a vacuum at the top of the Democrats’ roster — a void that virtually every committee Democrat is hoping to fill. 

Pelosi (D-Calif.), had she remained the leader of the party, was set to appoint Himes to the position, according to several Democrats familiar with her plans. But others are also expressing interest, including Rep. André Carson (D-Ind.).

Jeffries, however, has given no indication either who he’ll pick or when he’ll announce it. 

As the committee comes together, members say they’re not expecting to avoid partisan fights altogether. Gallagher pointed out that the panel will have to tackle a number of prickly topics this Congress — including the reauthorization of the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance Court — which are sure to lead to partisan clashes.

But those are issues-based differences, he emphasized, not collisions of personality. And Gallagher said he’s established a good rapport with some of the newer Democrats on the panel, including Reps. Jason Crow (Colo.) and Raja Krishnamoorthi (Ill.), who has co-sponsored legislation with Gallagher to ban TikTok in the United States.

"Those younger members and I have a really good working relationship,” Gallagher said. “We just hope to build on that."

Pence special counsel ‘more likely than not,’ says former WH ethics lawyer

Norm Eisen, a former Obama White House ethics lawyer, said Wednesday it's “more likely than not” a special counsel will be assigned to investigate classified documents found at former Vice President Mike Pence’s residence.

During an appearance on “CNN Newsroom,” host Abby Phillip asked Eisen, a legal analyst for the network, if the Justice Department would deploy a special counsel in Pence's case, as it has for former President Trump and President Biden.

“Abby, there’s no question the pressure is on Attorney General Merrick Garland to treat the Pence case as he treated the Biden and the Trump cases," Eisen told Phillip.

“But it's not assured that we're going to have a special counsel because, as the attorney general said yesterday, what DOJ does is try to look at every case on the facts and on the law,” Eisen added. “We need to know more details about Pence. It's more likely than not that we are going to get a third special counsel to look at the Pence situation.” 

Eisen was also a co-counsel for the House Judiciary Committee during then-President Trump’s first impeachment trial.

His remarks come a day after officials confirmed that classified documents were found at Pence’s Indiana residence, with his attorney, Greg Jacob, writing in a letter that Pence’s team notified the National Archives the week prior about the discovery of a small number of documents at the former vice president's residence. 

Pence’s attorney added in his letter to the Archives that his client was “unaware of the existence of sensitive or classified documents at his personal residence.”

In a Truth Social post, Trump said that his former vice president is “an innocent man. He never did anything knowingly dishonest in his life. Leave him alone!!!”

The discovery has complicated GOP attacks against Biden's handling of classified material.

“Politically, this makes it difficult if not impossible for the GOP to criticize Biden, w/out damaging Pence; the situations look very similar,” tweeted Joyce White Vance, a law professor and legal analyst on MSNBC.

Senate GOP pours cold water on idea of impeaching Biden

Senate Republicans are pouring cold water on the idea that President Biden’s classified documents controversy rises to the level of an impeachable offense, heading off House conservatives looking for revenge after former President Trump’s two trials.

Even before Tuesday’s revelation that about a dozen classified documents had been found at former Vice President Mike Pence’s Indiana home, GOP senators were cool to the idea of impeachment. 

“I don’t think you want to get into where it’s a tit for tat, every two years or four years you’re dealing with impeachment proceedings in the House and Senate,” Senate Republican Whip John Thune (S.D.) told The Hill. “There has to be a really good reason, obviously, the constitutional reasons and grounds for that. So we’ll see where it goes.” 

Asked whether Biden’s possession of classified documents has the potential to rise to the level of an impeachable offense, Sen. John Cornyn (R-Texas), an adviser to the Senate GOP leadership team, gave a simple answer: “No.” 

Many Republicans thought the Democrats’ first impeachment of Trump over delaying military aide to Ukraine was a partisan overreach. But that means they are also wary of doing the same thing now that their party has the House majority.

It’s just one of several tension points emerging between Republicans in the two chambers.  

Senate Republicans have mostly ignored chatter in the House about impeaching Biden’s secretary of Homeland Security, Alejandro Mayorkas, or wiping out the tax code and replacing it with a 23 percent to 30 percent national sales tax. 

Some Republicans think talk of impeaching Biden will grow in the House, even though GOP senators warn that it’s a bad idea. 

House Republicans introduced more than a dozen impeachment resolutions against Biden in the last Congress, and the GOP-controlled House Judiciary Committee has already initiated an investigation of Biden’s handling of classified documents, which could lay the ground for future impeachment proceedings.  

Trump has also come under criticism for a separate classified documents controversy, but House Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) in an interview with Fox Business argued that Biden’s handling of classified documents was more egregious because the former Republican president at least secured the classified information he held with padlocks.

“That’s much different than what we’re finding now with President Biden, and I think it is severely going to cause him a great deal of trouble in the future as we get more of the truth,” McCarthy told Fox host Larry Kudlow. 

A few Senate Republicans entertain the idea that the classified documents found at Biden’s Delaware home and former Washington, D.C., office would lead to a Senate impeachment trial. 

“This actually might be an impeachable offense. If there’s a high crime and misdemeanor standard, which there is, this is the closest thing to one in recent years,” said Sen. Kevin Cramer (R-N.D.). “If the special counsel comes up with anything, realizing [Biden’s] a sitting president, I suppose they could draft up what would become articles of impeachment, depending on what they find.” 

Cramer said “I personally hate impeachments” but thinks the standard has changed since House Democrats impeached Trump in 2019 after he held up aid to Ukraine to use as leverage to get Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to investigate Biden’s family’s business dealings in the country.  

Only one Republican senator, Mitt Romney (Utah), voted to convict on an article of impeachment during Trump’s 2020 Senate trial.  

Cramer said “Democrats created an impeachment cycle and we may be in that cycle,” calling Trump’s first impeachment “far-fetched and silly.”  

He said House Republicans now need to decide whether they want to keep the impeachment bar as low as they believe Democrats set it in 2019 or whether to elevate it to cover only the most serious crimes.  

The documents found at Pence’s home would further muddy any attempt to argue that Biden’s possession of classified documents meets the standard of high crimes and misdemeanors. 

Romney on Tuesday said it will be hard for House Republicans to credibly push an article of impeachment against Biden for keeping classified documents at his Delaware home after Pence admitted the same transgression.  

“I can’t imagine that’s where it’s going to head with so many people in the same arena,” he said.  

Some key Senate Republicans, such as Senate Intelligence Committee Vice Chairman Marco Rubio (Fla.), are already on record downplaying Trump’s possession of classified documents at his Florida home as a “storage” issue.  

Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) on Tuesday dismissed a question about whether Biden’s possession of classified documents could rise to the level of an impeachable offense.  

“I don’t have an answer to that hypothetical. I do think that the Justice Department seems to be willing to treat everybody the same and to try to retrieve the documents, and obviously it’s not a great idea to take classified documents away from the archives. We’ll see how they continue to handle it,” he said.   

Republican senators say it should be up to Robert Hur, the special counsel appointed by Attorney General Merrick Garland, to decide whether Biden should be charged with a crime, not House Republicans, who filed more than a dozen articles of impeachment against Biden in the last Congress.  

“It could be a criminal offense,” Cornyn said. “That’s what the special counsel is for. Mishandling classified materials is very serious.”   

Garland appointed special counsel Jack Smith in November to oversee the Justice Department’s investigation of Trump’s handling of classified documents and whether he unlawfully interfered with the 2021 transfer of presidential power.  

Cornyn, a member of the Senate Judiciary Committee, blasted some Democrats for “hypocrisy” by trying to minimize Biden’s culpability after hammering Trump for months after the FBI searched Mar-a-Lago in August to retrieve classified documents.  

“The thing that’s made this such a story is the hypocrisy, [Democrats] attacking Trump,” he said. “Nobody should take classified materials outside of a secure facility, period.”   

Sen. Mike Braun (R-Ind.) said fellow Republicans should “be careful” about “knee-jerking to impeachment.”  

“I think the country will fatigue of that,” he said, pointing out that recent impeachment proceedings against former Presidents Clinton and Trump “have not ended up with any real result.”  

“If you start doing it on everything, I think it would be bad politically and for the mechanics of government working,” he said.  

Democrats picked up five House seats in the 1998 midterm elections as the Republican majority was in the midst of gearing up to impeach Clinton, marking a rare instance when the president’s party picked up House seats in the middle of a second term.  

Republicans picked up 14 House seats in the 2020 election after Democrats impeached Trump at the end of 2019.

McCarthy formally blocks Schiff, Swalwell from Intel panel

Speaker Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) on Tuesday formally rejected two Democrats — Reps. Adam Schiff (Calif.) and Eric Swalwell (Calif.) — from serving on the House Intelligence Committee, escalating the two-year tit-for-tat battle between the parties over who is qualified for certain positions on Capitol Hill. 

House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries (D-N.Y.) had written to McCarthy on Saturday asking that both Schiff and Swalwell be seated on the Intel panel, where membership assignments come solely at the discretion of the Speaker. 

But McCarthy said Schiff's and Swalwell's previous actions make them unfit to serve on a panel with jurisdiction over and access to sensitive issues of national security.

“In order to maintain a standard worthy of this committee’s responsibilities, I am hereby rejecting the appointments of Representative Adam Schiff and Representative Eric Swalwell to serve on the Intelligence Committee,” he wrote in a letter to Jeffries on Tuesday.

The move was no surprise. 

Republicans have been up in arms over the issue since 2021, when Democrats staged votes to remove GOP Reps. Marjorie Taylor Greene (Ga.) and Paul Gosar (Ariz.) from their committees following revelations that they had promoted violence against some of their Democratic colleagues. The eviction votes came after McCarthy declined to punish either lawmaker internally within the GOP conference, which is typically where such disciplinary actions are meted out.

Still, McCarthy on Tuesday denied that his decision regarding Schiff and Swalwell was retribution for Greene and Gosar.

“This is not not anything political. This is not similar to what the Democrats did,” McCarthy told reporters on Tuesday evening just outside his office in the Capitol.

Schiff, the former chairman of the Intelligence Committee, had led a series of investigations into former President Trump, serving as the lead impeachment manager of Trump’s first impeachment, which both heightened his national profile and made him radioactive among Trump’s supporters. 

McCarthy has accused him of lying to the public about Trump’s ties to Russia — a charge that Schiff has dismissed as political retribution. 

“His objection seems to be that I was the lead impeachment manager in Donald Trump’s first impeachment and that we held him accountable for withholding hundreds of millions of dollars in military aid from Ukraine in order to try to extort that country into helping his political campaign,” Schiff told reporters Tuesday night. 

Schiff also noted that McCarthy’s road to the Speakership was successful only after he secured the support of former critics, including Greene, charging that the process had left him beholden to those conservatives. 

“I think it’s just another body blow to the institution of Congress, that he’s behaving this way, but it shows just how weak he is as a Speaker that he has to give in to the most extreme elements of his conference, in this case the Marjorie Taylor Greenes and Paul Gosars,” Schiff said.

The accusations surrounding Swalwell are of a different sort. The California Democrat was associated with a suspected Chinese spy who had fundraised for his 2014 campaign — a revelation that was not made public until 2020 — and McCarthy has said that a confidential FBI briefing on the episode has left him convinced that Swalwell is a national security risk. 

“When Eric Swalwell would be in the private sector and can’t get the security clearance there, we are not gonna provide him with the secrets to America,” McCarthy told reporters.

McCarthy has also vowed to block Rep. Ilhan Omar (D-Minn.) from sitting on the House Foreign Affairs Committee as a rebuke for previous comments she made that were critical of Israel and its supporters, some of which have sparked allegations of antisemitism. In 2019, the congresswoman — who is a Somali refugee — apologized after suggesting that wealthy Jews were buying congressional support for Israel.

Omar’s situation, however, is different from that of Schiff or Swalwell. While McCarthy has the unilateral authority to block appointments to the Intelligence Committee, the full House must ratify committee membership for the Foreign Affairs panel — meaning a majority of the chamber will have to vote to block the congresswoman from serving.

That effort is already proving to be an uphill battle. Rep. Victoria Spartz (R-Ind.) announced Tuesday that she will not support keeping Omar off the Foreign Affairs committee, and Rep. Nancy Mace (R-S.C.) has expressed a coolness to the idea.

Republicans can afford to lose only four votes in the narrowly split House amid united Democratic opposition, which means the party can afford only two more defectors to still block Omar. That number could shrink to one if Rep. Greg Steube (R-Fla.), who is recovering in Florida from a fall, misses the vote. The congressman on Monday said he will be “sidelined in Sarasota for several weeks.”

It is unclear when a vote to block Omar from the panel will come to the floor. The House Democratic Steering and Policy Committee is slated to meet this week and finish committee assignments, and Omar is expected to return to the Foreign Affairs Committee. The full chamber would then be tasked with ratifying the rosters.

Asked on Tuesday how confident he is that there will be enough support to block Omar from the Foreign Affairs panel, McCarthy told reporters that “it would be odd to me that members would not support that based upon her comments against Israel.”

Pressed on those character allegations Tuesday, Omar told reporters that “all of those have been addressed three years ago.”

Schiff, Swalwell and Omar issued a joint defense minutes after McCarthy sent his letter, tying the GOP leader to the right flank of his party.

“It’s disappointing but not surprising that Kevin McCarthy has capitulated to the right wing of his caucus, undermining the integrity of the Congress, and harming our national security in the process,” the trio said. “He struck a corrupt bargain in his desperate, and nearly failed, attempt to win the Speakership, a bargain that required political vengeance against the three of us.”

Updated at 8:26 p.m.