Republicans say they want an investigation into Capitol attack. How deep will they let it dig?

Forty-three Republican senators protected Donald Trump from accountability for inciting the insurrection at the U.S. Capitol when they voted to acquit in his second impeachment trial. They’re going to have a challenge protecting him—and maybe themselves—through the likely next phase of the response to the Jan. 6 attack: an investigation by a bipartisan commission similar to the 9/11 commission. The question is how serious and how empowered such an investigation will be, and Democrats need to ensure that the answer is “very.”

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi called for such an investigation in early February, writing to House Democrats, “It is also clear that we will need to establish a 9/11-type Commission to examine and report upon the facts, causes and security relating to the terrorist mob attack on January 6.” Retired Lt. Gen. Russel Honoré is already leading a security review, but the question of protecting the U.S. Capitol as a physical building is different from understanding how Jan. 6 happened—from incitement to active planning to responses while it was underway—and not just Congress but the whole nation needs to understand that.

We need to know more about Trump’s actions. The House impeachment managers laid out his public-facing statements showing that he absolutely called his supporters to Washington, D.C., on Jan. 6 in an attempt to prevent Congress from certifying President Biden’s election win, and that he continued to encourage them even as they were breaching the Capitol. But we know there’s more. Republican Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler has described a phone call between House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy and Trump in the midst of the attack in which McCarthy asked Trump “to publicly and forcefully call off the riot,” only to have Trump tell him, “Well, Kevin, I guess these people are more upset about the election than you are.” McCarthy told Herrera Beutler about the call. He needs to tell investigators about it, too. 

And Herrera Beutler’s Friday statement on that call pointed out that McCarthy isn’t the only likely witness: “To the patriots who were standing next to the former president as these conversations were happening, or even to the former vice president: if you have something to add here, now would be the time,” she said. That didn’t happen in time for the impeachment trial, but those people are still out there, and a bipartisan commission with subpoena power could potentially uncover some of them, along with many other facts that are necessary for ensuring this never happens again … but potentially very inconvenient for Trump and some other Republicans.

We also need to know more about failures by the Capitol Police and others tasked with protecting the Capitol. How did they miss the signs that this wasn’t going to be a peaceful free speech rally? We need to know who at the Pentagon did what with regard to National Guard deployments ahead of Jan. 6 and as the Capitol was under attack.

Lawmakers from both parties have called for a 9/11-type investigatory panel, but some of the Republicans are likely to either push for tight limits on what can be investigated or entirely back off those calls as impeachment—and the need to distract from it by acting very serious about some form of response to the attack—recedes into the past. 

“We need a 9/11 Commission to find out what happened and make sure it never happens again, and I want to make sure that the Capitol footprint can be better defended next time,” Sen. Lindsey Graham said Sunday, but let’s wait to hear the series of things he doesn’t want included and witnesses he doesn’t want called in the investigation. The second item on Graham’s list is likely to become a big Republican talking point—refocusing the response from “what happened and how can we understand it” to “what physical fortifications do we need.” It’s the Republican way: guns, not accountability.

Republicans will also start screaming if, for instance, some of their own start getting called as witnesses. It would be very interesting to hear from Sens. Josh Hawley and Ted Cruz, for instance, or Reps. Lauren Boebert and Marjorie Taylor Greene.

But a 9/11-type commission isn’t the only investigation in the works. Graham himself could be drawn into an investigation into efforts to overturn the Georgia election. Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger recorded the phone call in which Trump pressured him to “find 11,780 votes” because of an earlier phone call in which Graham asked him to illegally reject large numbers of ballots. That Georgia investigation obviously will focus on Trump. Trump also faces the possibility of a criminal investigation into Jan. 6. That’s a very remote possibility now, but given an empowered, detailed (the 9/11 commission investigated for 20 months) look into what happened … well, we can dream.

It’s unlikely that too many people will come out fully against an investigation into the attack on the Capitol. The thing to watch is what limits Republicans want to place on it. What questions do they think should be off limits? What witnesses do they not want called? Especially from people like Graham and Cruz and Hawley, that’s going to be a signal of where the really important information is—and both Democrats and good-faith Republicans need to be willing to pursue it.

Republicans say they want an investigation into Capitol attack. How deep will they let it dig?

Forty-three Republican senators protected Donald Trump from accountability for inciting the insurrection at the U.S. Capitol when they voted to acquit in his second impeachment trial. They’re going to have a challenge protecting him—and maybe themselves—through the likely next phase of the response to the Jan. 6 attack: an investigation by a bipartisan commission similar to the 9/11 commission. The question is how serious and how empowered such an investigation will be, and Democrats need to ensure that the answer is “very.”

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi called for such an investigation in early February, writing to House Democrats, “It is also clear that we will need to establish a 9/11-type Commission to examine and report upon the facts, causes and security relating to the terrorist mob attack on January 6.” Retired Lt. Gen. Russel Honoré is already leading a security review, but the question of protecting the U.S. Capitol as a physical building is different from understanding how Jan. 6 happened—from incitement to active planning to responses while it was underway—and not just Congress but the whole nation needs to understand that.

We need to know more about Trump’s actions. The House impeachment managers laid out his public-facing statements showing that he absolutely called his supporters to Washington, D.C., on Jan. 6 in an attempt to prevent Congress from certifying President Biden’s election win, and that he continued to encourage them even as they were breaching the Capitol. But we know there’s more. Republican Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler has described a phone call between House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy and Trump in the midst of the attack in which McCarthy asked Trump “to publicly and forcefully call off the riot,” only to have Trump tell him, “Well, Kevin, I guess these people are more upset about the election than you are.” McCarthy told Herrera Beutler about the call. He needs to tell investigators about it, too. 

And Herrera Beutler’s Friday statement on that call pointed out that McCarthy isn’t the only likely witness: “To the patriots who were standing next to the former president as these conversations were happening, or even to the former vice president: if you have something to add here, now would be the time,” she said. That didn’t happen in time for the impeachment trial, but those people are still out there, and a bipartisan commission with subpoena power could potentially uncover some of them, along with many other facts that are necessary for ensuring this never happens again … but potentially very inconvenient for Trump and some other Republicans.

We also need to know more about failures by the Capitol Police and others tasked with protecting the Capitol. How did they miss the signs that this wasn’t going to be a peaceful free speech rally? We need to know who at the Pentagon did what with regard to National Guard deployments ahead of Jan. 6 and as the Capitol was under attack.

Lawmakers from both parties have called for a 9/11-type investigatory panel, but some of the Republicans are likely to either push for tight limits on what can be investigated or entirely back off those calls as impeachment—and the need to distract from it by acting very serious about some form of response to the attack—recedes into the past. 

“We need a 9/11 Commission to find out what happened and make sure it never happens again, and I want to make sure that the Capitol footprint can be better defended next time,” Sen. Lindsey Graham said Sunday, but let’s wait to hear the series of things he doesn’t want included and witnesses he doesn’t want called in the investigation. The second item on Graham’s list is likely to become a big Republican talking point—refocusing the response from “what happened and how can we understand it” to “what physical fortifications do we need.” It’s the Republican way: guns, not accountability.

Republicans will also start screaming if, for instance, some of their own start getting called as witnesses. It would be very interesting to hear from Sens. Josh Hawley and Ted Cruz, for instance, or Reps. Lauren Boebert and Marjorie Taylor Greene.

But a 9/11-type commission isn’t the only investigation in the works. Graham himself could be drawn into an investigation into efforts to overturn the Georgia election. Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger recorded the phone call in which Trump pressured him to “find 11,780 votes” because of an earlier phone call in which Graham asked him to illegally reject large numbers of ballots. That Georgia investigation obviously will focus on Trump. Trump also faces the possibility of a criminal investigation into Jan. 6. That’s a very remote possibility now, but given an empowered, detailed (the 9/11 commission investigated for 20 months) look into what happened … well, we can dream.

It’s unlikely that too many people will come out fully against an investigation into the attack on the Capitol. The thing to watch is what limits Republicans want to place on it. What questions do they think should be off limits? What witnesses do they not want called? Especially from people like Graham and Cruz and Hawley, that’s going to be a signal of where the really important information is—and both Democrats and good-faith Republicans need to be willing to pursue it.

In acquitting Trump, Republicans formalize their embrace of American fascism

The full malevolence of this new Republican Party nullification of consequences for political corruption—this time, in the form of a president sending a mob to block the certification of the U.S. election that would remove him from power, a president responding to the resulting violence by singling out to the mob his own specific enemies, then sitting back to watch the violence unfold on his television while taking no action to either contain the mob or protect the Congress, is difficult to even grasp.

The ultimate irony of the Republican sabotage, however, is that impeachment was unquestionably the most appropriate remedy for Trump's actions. It was an absolute necessity, and now the entire nation will suffer the consequences. Yet again.

Whether or not what Trump did was criminal is as yet undetermined, but even Sen. Mitch McConnell himself honed in on the central sin of Trump's actions. It was, at the very least, an unforgivable dereliction of duty. When faced with a clear and present need to defend the country, Trump did not. He betrayed his oath. He proved himself not just unfit for office, but a malevolent figure willing to use even violence against lawmakers as avenue for further political power.

Even if it could be argued that Trump did not intend for violence or threats to transpire, in the minutes after a speech in which he urged the crowd to march to the Capitol and intimidate the assembled Congress, it was unquestionable that Trump sought to use the violence for his advantage as it unfolded. He singled out Mike Pence after learning that Pence was still present in the building, upon which the mob went hunting for Mike Pence. He mocked Rep. Kevin McCarthy, as rioters attempted to break through McCarthy's office door.

Trump knew that violence was occurring, and still used that violence to intimidate his enemies rather than swiftly demand reinforcements to protect Congress.

There is no question of this. It is not in dispute. To say it was dereliction of duty is, to be sure, an understatement.

The only remedy requested through impeachment, however, was one both practical and essential. Trump may have left office the two weeks between coup and inauguration of his successor, but his dereliction was so severe that Congress was asked to offer up its only available constitutional remedy: barring him from future office. That was all. The Senate was not debating whether to jail Trump, or to exile him. The Senate was debating whether or not to bar Donald Trump, proven to be incompetent or malicious, from ever returning to an office he in all probability will never again inhabit. After multiple deaths inside the U.S. Capitol, it was a political wrist slap.

But by refusing to do it, Republican senators offered up a technicality-laced defense of insurrection as political act. By immunizing him from the only credible consequence for his dereliction, Republican lawmakers have granted him an authority to try again. They have asserted to his base, their own Republican base, a white supremacist froth of the conspiracy-riddled far-right, that Trump did no wrong in asking them to block the certification of an American election. Oh, it may have been wrong. But, according to the speeches and declarations of those who have protected Trump's most malevolent acts time and time again, not consequences-worthy wrong.

Trump's rally that day, and his months of hoax-based propaganda before it, were all premised around a demand to nullify a United States presidential election he did not win. It was called Stop the Steal, and Trump and his allies demanded as remedy the overturning of the election, either by individual states that voted for the opposition candidate or through the United States Congress erasing those electoral votes outright.

It was, from the outset, an attempted coup. The very premise was to nullify an election so that he might be reappointed leader despite losing it. It was an insurrection before the crowd on January 6 ever turned violent; it was an insurrection when Trump asked the assembled crowd, in the precise minutes timed to coincide with the counting of electoral votes, to march to the Capitol building to demand the Senate overturn the elections results.

It had help. Multiple Republican senators were themselves eager to support Trump's attempted coup using their own tools of office. Even the supposed institutionalists, if the word even has meaning at this point, kept their silence and refrained from acknowledging the Democratic opponent as the election's winner. It was a tactical silence, meant to measure out whether Trump's team of bumbling lawyers and organized propaganda could produce results before coming down cleanly on the side of democracy or of insurrection. While Trump's most fervent allies embraced his claims and poked away at the election, looking for weaknesses, the party at large remained silent. Trump's actions may have been deplorable, but they were not out of party bounds. There were precious few condemnations, and elections officials in Georgia and elsewhere were left to defend themselves against outrageous lies to whatever extent they were able.

Among those they had to defend themselves to: Republican senators like Lindsey Graham, themselves inquiring as to the possible methods of simply erasing enough votes as to find Donald Trump the “true” winner.

Trump intended to overturn an election. Trump went so far as to finance and schedule a mass rally of supporters to appear at the Capitol with instructions to let those inside know that the election must be overturned. Trump sat back and watched as violence quickly followed, and responded by goading the crowd to go after an enemy, by refusing congressional pleas for intervention, and by sneering at lawmakers fearing for their lives.

By evading the question before them, Trump's Republican allies have established the toppling of democratic government and the nullification of American elections as, along with using elected office as profit center and extorting an at-war foreign nation into falsely smearing an election opponent, political tools allowed to those that would pursue political power. Demanding the nullification of an election may be unseemly, when done by movement leaders. But it is allowed. It will be backed by Republican lawmakers, and those same Republican lawmakers will brush aside whatever consequences the attempter may face if the attempt ends in failure.

This weekend saw what is perhaps the most consequential new recognition of the American fascist movement as quasi-legitimized political entity. Perhaps Trump’s Republican protectors intended such, and perhaps they did not, but the outcome will be the same.

The contrary position here was, by comparison, effortless. Republican senators could have detached Trump from his position as would-be autocratic "leader" with a simple acknowledgement that his actions, during a time of true national crisis, were so horrific as to render him unfit for future office. That is all. Trump could fume, Trump could raise money against enemies, Trump could grift his pissant little life away all he likes, but he, personally, could never take office again. His authoritarian cult would be deprived of the precise and only goal of its insurrection: re-installing him as leader.

The message would have been clear: Violence as political tool is disqualifying. Forever.

Not violence as political tool is unfortunate. Not violence as political tool is unseemly, but due to various technicalities and the current schedule cannot be responded to. Violence as political tool is an unforgivable act, whether such support is tacit or explicit, whether it was planned or it was spontaneous, and we will all stand united to declare that no matter what your political ambitions may be you are not allowed to do that. You are not allowed to incite an already-violent crowd with a new message singling out a specific fleeing enemy. You are not allowed to respond to multiple calls for urgent assistance by telling a lawmaker that perhaps the rioting crowd were right to be angry, rather than sending that help. You are not allowed to spend months propagating fraudulent, malevolent hoaxes intended to delegitimize democracy itself rather than accept an election loss, culminating in a financed and organized effort to threaten the United States Congress with a mob of now-unhinged supporters demanding your reinstallation by force.

If that was a bridge too far, on the part of the same Republican senators who coddled Trump's attempts to nullify an American election and spread democracy-eroding hoaxes in their own speeches, we can all imagine why.

Mitch McConnell protected Trump from consequences, then tried to distance himself from the damage

Here in the new millennium, two district species of Americans have evolved. There are the Americans who, from many years of having it demonstrated to them, know Sen. Mitch McConnell to be dishonest, power-obsessed, and eager to sabotage both nation itself and the lives of its citizens in service of Republican Party power.

And then there's the press, which cannot stomach the thought that the most powerful political figure of recent times is singularly corrupt and dishonest, a man who through relentlessly false claims and rhetorical psychopathies worked diligently to turn the Senate into little more than an exceptionally pompous Fox News show.

On Saturday, Sen. Mitch McConnell gave a rousing speech blasting Donald Trump for a "disgraceful dereliction of duty," among other offenses, agreeing that there was "no question, none," that Trump is "practically and morally responsible" for an insurrection attempt that killed a police officer, injured around 140 others, caused multiple other deaths, and came close to capturing or killing Trump's own vice president and others specifically targeted by Trump as political enemies. As is rote for all McConnell speeches, as anyone with even the slightest knowledge of the body knows, it came immediately after McConnell voted to himself sabotage action against Trump—a sabotage that was deliberate, had taken place over the course of many weeks, and could likely not have succeeded if it were not for McConnell's own dereliction.

McConnell's argument was that a former president cannot be impeached—a theory deemed nonsensical by historians, scholars, and other experts not accessories to Trump's modern fascist movement, and one that the Senate had already explicitly rejected. McConnell's argument was that Democrats—because every single speech in which McConnell defends his party's embrace of a new corrupt, counterfactual, or plainly malevolent act comes with an explanation that Democrats caused it to happen—did not move swiftly enough to impeach Trump after the January 6 insurrection, allowed Trump to leave office, and now his party's bloodstained hands are tied.

But it was McConnell who blocked action while Trump was in office. It was McConnell who refused to call the Senate back to conduct the trial, and who justified the refusal by calling the House's impeachment a "light-speed sham process." Once he had lost the majority and with it, the powers to control the Senate clock, McConnell voted at every turn to block the Senate from hearing the case against Trump. It is McConnell himself inventing yet another New Rule that he now claims stands in the way of impeaching a Republican for violent insurrection; it comes after countless similar New Rules about the Constitution and the Senate that McConnell claimed to have discovered, both small and large.

McConnell declared that a sitting Democratic president could not appoint new Supreme Court justices during the last full year of his term; McConnell declared that a sitting Republican president could do so during his last weeks in office. It is all a farce. We have been here a dozen times before.

McConnell agrees that Trump was responsible for a violent attack on the U.S. Capitol. But he did so too close to the end of his term, and so falls into a new loophole in which presidents are allowed to sit back and watch as a mob hunts his enemies in the U.S. Capitol so long as he gets the timing right.

Like the apocryphal man who murdered his parents, then begged the courts for leniency because he was an orphan, McConnell protected Trump through his last weeks in office, and now says that the delay he himself engineered now prevents the Senate from imposing consequences. Trump is culpable, he is fully willing to declare.

And with that declaration, McConnell singled himself out as willing collaborator.

This is the part of the well-worn program where Sen. Mitch McConnell knows a member of his party has done an unforgivable and evil thing, and thus prepares his dual defenses. To preserve party power and cultivate a base that has grown ever more willing to accept any crime in service to their cause, McConnell maneuvers to sabotage whatever accountability is being attempted. To preserve the money flow from donors horrified that the party would go so far—but who still count tax breaks and corporate deregulation as more urgent needs than flushing out white supremacist-laced, propaganda-fueled fascism—McConnell seeds stories about his personal frustration with the behavior, assures the donor class that he is absolutely not on board with the new horror he himself worked to protect.

It seems when a violent mob comes close to assassinating Sen. Mitch McConnell personally, that will be enough to stir an actual condemnation directly from the man himself. But it will still not, once the heat of the moment has died down and the mob has been dispersed, rouse him to support his country over his party. It is seemingly not in his nature, or in the nature of anyone left in his now-purged party.

Lindsey Graham Says Mitch McConnell’s Anti-Trump Speech May Come Back To Bite Republicans

Senator Lindsey Graham (R-SC) went on Fox News on Sunday to say that Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell’s (R-KY) post-impeachment speech in which he condemned President Donald Trump may come back to haunt Republicans.

Graham went so far as to say that with this speech, McConnell “put a load on the back of Republicans.”

McConnell’s Anti-Trump Speech

This came one day after McConnell claimed that Trump had committed “a disgraceful dereliction of duty” by his actions before last month’s Capitol riot, and was “practically and morally responsible for provoking the events of that day.”

While interviewing Graham, Fox News host Chris Wallace said, “Let me ask you about one person that he might be mad at and tell me if he is or he isn’t, Mitch McConnell, who made a curious speech yesterday in which he basically said the president is guilty, but that the Senate doesn’t have the power to convict, to act against a former president.”

“What did he think of McConnell’s speech, what did you think of McConnell’s speech?” he added.

Related: ‘Never-Trump’ Republicans Looking To Form Their Own Party

Graham Responds

“Well, number one, I was a bit surprised, but I heard this in 1998. I’ve been in three of the four impeachments,” Graham replied.

“I’m sorry about that. The bottom line — in 1998, you had a lot of Democrats acquit Clinton but got on the floor and said how bad he was,” he said. “You know, Nancy Pelosi called us all cowards. I don’t think most Republicans care what she thinks.”

“I think Senator McConnell’s speech, he got a load off a chest obviously, but unfortunately he put a load on the back of Republicans,” he added. “That speech you will see in 2022 campaigns.”

Related: Marjorie Taylor Greene Fires Back After Mitch McConnell Calls Her ‘Cancer’ To The GOP

“I would imagine if you’re a Republican running in Arizona or  Georgia or New Hampshire, where we have a chance to take back the Senate, they may be playing Senator McConnell’s speech and asking about it as a candidate,” Graham continued.

“I imagine if you’re an incumbent Republican, they’re going to be people asking you will you support Senator McConnell in the future,” he concluded. “So I like them, Senator McConnell. He worked well with President Trump. I think his speech is an outlier regarding how Republicans feel about all this.”

This piece was written by James Samson on February 14, 2021. It originally appeared in LifeZette and is used by permission.

Read more at LifeZette:
Van Der Veen Owns Impeachment Trial Fourth Day
James Clyburn Issues Brutal Warning To Trump – ‘This Is Just The Beginning’
WH Deputy Press Secretary TJ Ducklo Suspended For Reportedly Threatening, Demeaning Female Reporter

The post Lindsey Graham Says Mitch McConnell’s Anti-Trump Speech May Come Back To Bite Republicans appeared first on The Political Insider.

Alan Dershowitz Warns That ‘Cancel Culture Is Quickly Becoming American Culture’

Harvard law professor emeritus Alan Dershowitz went on Fox News on Sunday to blast cancel culture, which was highlighted by threats made against former President Donald Trump’s defense attorney Michael Van Der Veen.

Dershowitz Compares Cancel Culture To McCarthyism

Dershowitz compared the current situation to McCarthyism in the twentieth century, and he also planned to fight it with all that he has.

“Cancel culture is quickly becoming American culture,” he said. “You know, Common Cause, which purports to be a liberal, not a radical organization, has now demanded that Facebook keep Donald Trump off its platform.”

“We are getting liberals, Nicholas Kristof of The New York Times, saying Fox should be taken off cable networks. It’s a call for censorship,” he continued. 

“I grew up during McCarthyism,” Dershowitz added. “I hated communism. But I defended the rights of lawyers to defend accused communists. And I defend today every lawyer.”

“And if any lawyer is the subject of this kind of McCarthyism, I will represent you pro bono,” he said. “I will represent you in front of universities, in front of bar associations. I’m going to dedicate myself to making sure that the new McCarthyism of the hard left doesn’t become American culture.”

Related: Report: Trump’s Own Impeachment Lawyer Called Him A ‘Fu**ing Crook’

Jim Jordan Weighs In

Rep. Jim Jordan (R-OH) also weighed in on this, expressing similar sentiments to Dershowitz.

“On the day we had the impeachment vote on the house floor, I told my Democrat colleagues, I said, the cancel culture won’t just stop with Republicans. It will come after all of us in the end,” he said. “And that’s why we all have to push back.”

“If we don’t push back on this and stop it and stand up, as Mr. Dershowitz said, stand up for the Constitution and the First Amendment, it will only get worse,” Jordan added. “This is the No. 1 issue for the country to address today.”

Related: Trump ‘Not Happy’ With His Legal Team’s First Appearance In Impeachment Trial

On Saturday, the Senate voted to acquit Trump after Democrats tried to impeach him for allegedly inciting the Capitol riots last month.

Had they succeeded in impeaching him, Trump would not have been allowed to run for office in the future. The acquittal means that as of this writing, Trump will be permitted to run for president again in 2024.

This piece was written by James Samson on February 14, 2021. It originally appeared in LifeZette and is used by permission.

Read more at LifeZette:
Van Der Veen Owns Impeachment Trial Fourth Day
James Clyburn Issues Brutal Warning To Trump – ‘This Is Just The Beginning’
WH Deputy Press Secretary TJ Ducklo Suspended For Reportedly Threatening, Demeaning Female Reporter

The post Alan Dershowitz Warns That ‘Cancel Culture Is Quickly Becoming American Culture’ appeared first on The Political Insider.

43 Republicans turn their backs on their country to side with Trump, and we’re listing them all

Senate Republicans fumbled the ball on yet another impeachment trial Saturday, this time regarding former President Donald Trump’s reported efforts to incite a riot at the U.S. Capitol. "As far as I'm concerned, he should've been charged with murder and treason," MSNBC host Jonathan Capehart's beloved Aunt Gloria said Sunday on the show. A video clip of her virtual interview went viral, and for good reason. In the interview, she called to task the 43 Republicans who clearly showed no intention to vote against Trump despite his attempted destruction of our democracy. Aunt Gloria said Republicans missed an opportunity to break away from Trump. “Now I don’t know what’s going to happen,” she said. “Is he still gon lead the party? And what is he gon have his people do next?

Whatever the answers turn out to be to those questions, remember the 43 Republicans who voted to protect Trump no matter the costs to the country. 

They are:

John Barrasso, of Wyoming;
Marsha Blackburn, of Tennessee; 
Roy Blunt, of Missouri;
John Boozman, of Arkansas;
Mike Braun, of Indiana;
Shelley Capito, of West Virginia;
John Cornyn, of Texas;
Tom Cotton, of Arkansas;
Kevin Cramer, of North Dakota; 
Mike Crapo, of Idaho;
Ted Cruz, of Texas; 
Steve Daines; of Montana; 
Joni Ernst, of Iowa;
Deb Fischer, of Nebraska;
Lindsey Graham, of South Carolina;
Charles Grassley, of Iowa;
Bill Hagerty, of Tennessee;
Josh Hawley, of Missouri;
John Hoeven, of North Dakota;
Cindy Hyde-Smith, of Mississippi;
Jim Inhofe, of Oklahoma;
Ron Johnson, of Wisconsin;
John Kennedy, of Louisiana; 
James Lankford, of Oklahoma;
Mike Lee, of Utah;
Cynthia Lummis, of Wyoming;
Roger Marshall, of Kansas;
Mitch McConnell, of Kentucky;
Jerry Moran, of Kansas;
Rand Paul, of Kentucky;
Rob Portman, of Ohio;
James Risch, of Idaho;
Mike Rounds; of South Dakota;
Marco Rubio, of Florida;
Rick Scott, of Florida;
Tim Scott, of South Carolina;
Richard Shelby, of Alabama;
Dan Sullivan, of Arkansas;
John Thune, of South Dakota;
Thomas Tillis, of North Carolina;
Tommy Tuberville, of Alabama;
Roger Wicker, of Mississippi; and
Todd Young, of Indiana

These are the 43 Republican senators who voted to acquit Donald Trump in his second impeachment trial pic.twitter.com/Yly56FQGgb

— NowThis (@nowthisnews) February 14, 2021

These senators had every opportunity to read a transcript of Trump’s words to his followers at a riot dubbed “Save America,” which was held just before the riot at the Capitol. “We will never give up,” he said at the rally. “We will never concede. It doesn't happen. You don't concede when there's theft involved. Our country has had enough. We will not take it anymore, and that is what this is all about.” In a speech chock full of conspiracy theories and unsubstantiated claims of widespread election fraud, Trump directed the crowd to go to the Capitol.

"Now it is up to Congress to confront this egregious assault on our democracy,” the former president said. “After this, we’re going to walk down and I’ll be there with you. We’re going to walk down. We’re going to walk down, any one you want, but I think right here. We’re going walk down to the Capitol, and we’re going to cheer on our brave senators, and congressmen and women. We’re probably not going to be cheering so much for some of them because you’ll never take back our country with weakness. You have to show strength, and you have to be strong."

What followed was an insurrection that left Capitol police officer Brian Sicknick dead, reportedly hit with a fire extinguisher. More than a dozen other police officers were injured; three people died in medical emergencies; and one rioter was shot and killed when she attempted to breach the Capitol. “People need to make up their mind. Was this right?” Aunt Gloria asked. “And it was not right.”

.@CapehartJ's Aunt Gloria gives her analysis of the acquittal of Donald Trump in his second Senate #impeachment trial. #SundayShow pic.twitter.com/vwtgoN5VDk

— The Sunday Show with Jonathan Capehart (@TheSundayShow) February 14, 2021

President Joe Biden released his statement on Saturday:

“It was nearly two weeks ago that Jill and I paid our respects to Capitol Police officer Brian Sicknick, who laid in honor in the Rotunda after losing his life protecting the Capitol from a riotous, violent mob on January 6, 2021.

Today, 57 Senators – including a record 7 Republicans – voted to find former President Trump guilty for inciting that deadly insurrection on our very democracy. The Senate vote followed the bipartisan vote to impeach him by the House of Representatives. While the final vote did not lead to a conviction, the substance of the charge is not in dispute. Even those opposed to the conviction, like Senate Minority Leader McConnell, believe Donald Trump was guilty of a “disgraceful dereliction of duty” and “practically and morally responsible for provoking” the violence unleashed on the Capitol.

Tonight, I am thinking about those who bravely stood guard that January day. I’m thinking about all those who lost their lives, all those whose lives were threatened, and all those who are still today living with terror they lived through that day. And I’m thinking of those who demonstrated the courage to protect the integrity of our democracy – Democrats and Republicans, election officials and judges, elected representatives and poll workers – before and after the election.

This sad chapter in our history has reminded us that democracy is fragile. That it must always be defended. That we must be ever vigilant. That violence and extremism has no place in America. And that each of us has a duty and responsibility as Americans, and especially as leaders, to defend the truth and to defeat the lies.

That is how we end this uncivil war and heal the very soul of our nation. That is the task ahead. And it’s a task we must undertake together. As the United States of America.”

Assassination, secession, insurrection: The crimes of John Wilkes Booth, Jefferson Davis, and Trump

Donald Trump broke new ground as the first president—the first American, period—to be impeached twice. However, thinking of him solely in those terms fails by a long shot to capture how truly historic his crimes were. Forget the number of impeachments—and certainly don’t be distracted by pathetic, partisan scoundrels voting to acquit—The Man Who Lost The Popular Vote (Twice) is the only president to incite a violent insurrection aimed at overthrowing our democracy—and get away with it.

But reading those words doesn’t fully and accurately describe the vile nature of what Trump wrought on Jan. 6. In this case, to paraphrase the woman who should’ve been the 45th president, it takes a video.

Senate Republicans acquitted Donald Trump of high crimes and misdemeanors twice. So make them pay: Donate $1 right now to each of the Democratic nominee funds targeting vulnerable Senate Republicans in 2022.

Although it’s difficult, I encourage anyone who hasn’t yet done so to watch the compilation of footage the House managers presented on the first day of the impeachment trial. It left me shaking with rage. Those thugs wanted not just to defile a building, but to defile our Constitution. They sought to overturn an election in which many hadn’t even bothered themselves to vote.

What was their purpose? In their own words, as they screamed while storming the Capitol: “Fight for Trump! Fight for Trump!” Those were the exact same words they had chanted shortly beforehand during the speech their leader gave at the Ellipse. He told them to fight for him, and they told him they would. And then they did.

“These defendants themselves told you exactly why they were here” pic.twitter.com/6HVsD8Kl0M

— The Tennessee Holler (@TheTNHoller) February 10, 2021

Many of those fighting for Trump were motivated by a white Christian nationalist ideology of hate—hatred of liberals, Jews, African Americans, and other people of color. Most of that Trumpist mob stands diametrically opposed to the ideals that really do make America great—particularly the simple notion laid down in the Declaration of Independence that, after nearly 250 years, we’ve still yet to fully realize: All of us are created equal. The Jan. 6 attack on the Capitol was but another battle in our country’s long-running race war.

As Rev. William Barber explained just a few days ago: “White supremacy, though it may be targeted at Black people, is ultimately against democracy itself.” He added: “This kind of mob violence, in reaction to Black, brown and white people coming together and voting to move the nation forward in progressive ways, has always been the backlash.”

Barber is right on all counts. White supremacy’s centuries-long opposition to true democracy in America is also the through-line that connects what Trump has done since Election Day and on Jan. 6 to his true historical forebears in our history. Not the other impeached presidents, whose crimes—some more serious than others—differed from those of Trump not merely by a matter of degree, but in their very nature. Even Richard Nixon, as dangerous to the rule of law as his actions were, didn’t encourage a violent coup. That’s how execrable Trump is; Tricky Dick comes out ahead by comparison.

Instead, Trump’s true forebears are the violent white supremacists who rejected our democracy to preserve their perverted racial hierarchy: the Southern Confederates. It’s no coincidence that on Jan. 6 we saw a good number of Confederate flags unfurled at the Capitol on behalf of the Insurrectionist-in-Chief. As many, including Penn State history professor emeritus William Blair, have noted: “The Confederate flag made it deeper into Washington on Jan. 6, 2021, than it did during the Civil War.“

As for that blood-soaked, intra-American conflict—after Abraham Lincoln was elected president in 1860, 11 Southern states refused to accept the results because they feared it would lead to the end of slavery. They seceded from the Union and backed that action with violence. Led by their president, Jefferson Davis, they aimed to achieve through the shedding of blood what they could not at the ballot box: to protect their vision of a white-dominated society in which African Americans were nothing more than property.

Some, of course, will insist the Civil War began for other reasons, like “states’ rights,” choosing to skip right past the words uttered, just after President Lincoln’s inauguration, by Alexander Stephens, who would soon be elected vice president of the Confederacy. Stephens described the government created by secessionists thusly: “Its foundations are laid, its corner-stone rests, upon the great truth that the negro is not equal to the white man; that slavery—subordination to the superior race—is his natural and normal condition. This, our new government, is the first, in the history of the world, based upon this great physical, philosophical, and moral truth.”

In the speech he gave at his 1861 inauguration, Lincoln accurately diagnosed secession as standing in direct opposition to democracy.

Plainly the central idea of secession is the essence of anarchy. A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects it does of necessity fly to anarchy or to despotism. Unanimity is impossible. The rule of a minority, as a permanent arrangement, is wholly inadmissible; so that, rejecting the majority principle, anarchy or despotism in some form is all that is left.

Davis, Stephens, and the rest of the Confederates spent four long years in rebellion against democracy and racial equality. In 1865, Lincoln was sworn in for a second term. On the ballot the previous year had been his vision, laid out at Gettysburg, of a war fought so that our country might become what it had long claimed to be, namely a nation built on the promise of liberty and equality for every American. Lincoln’s vision won the election. He planned to lead the Union to final victory and, hopefully, bring that vision to life. Instead, John Wilkes Booth shot the 16th president to death.

Why did Booth commit that violent act, one that sought to remove a democratically elected president? Look at his own written words: “This country was formed for the white, not for the black man. And looking upon African Slavery from the same stand-point held by the noble framers of our constitution. I for one, have ever considered (it) one of the greatest blessings (both for themselves and us,) that God has ever bestowed upon a favored nation.”

As author and Washington College historian Adam Goodheart explains, Booth was “motivated by politics and he was especially motivated by racism, by Lincoln’s actions to emancipate the slaves and, more immediately, by some of Lincoln’s statements that he took as meaning African Americans would get full citizenship.” When Booth opened fire, his gun was aimed at not just one man, but at the notion of a multiracial, egalitarian democracy itself.

Trump may not have pulled a trigger, bashed a window, or attacked any police officers while wearing a flag cape, but he shares the same ideology, motive, and mindset as his anti-democratic, white supremacist forebears. They didn’t like the result of an election, and were ready and willing to use violence to undo it. Secession, assassination, insurrection. These are three sides of a single triangle.

I hope, for the sake of our country and the world, we never have another president like Donald Trump. I hope we as a people—or at least enough of us—have learned that we cannot elect an unprincipled demagogue as our leader.

A person without principle will never respect, let alone cherish, the Constitution or the democratic process. A person without principle can only see those things as a means to gain or maintain a hold on power. A person without principle believes the end always justifies the means.

That’s who Trump is: a person without principle. That’s why he lied for two months after Election Day, why he called for his MAGA minions to come to Washington on the day Joe Biden’s victory was to be formally certified in Congress, and why he incited an insurrection on that day to prevent that certification from taking place. His forces sought nothing less than the destruction of American democracy.

For those crimes, Trump was impeached, yes. But those crimes are far worse than those committed by any other president. Regardless of the verdict, those crimes will appear in the first sentence of his obituary. They are what he will be remembered for, despite the cowardice of his GOP enablers. Forever.

Ian Reifowitz is the author of  The Tribalization of Politics: How Rush Limbaugh's Race-Baiting Rhetoric on the Obama Presidency Paved the Way for Trump (Foreword by Markos Moulitsas)

A whole bunch of reactions to the Senate impeachment vote

Anger. Rage. Disgust. That is the vibe after 43 cowards and zealots within the Party of Trump opted not to convict their Dear Leader for inciting an insurrection on Jan. 6 in his historical second impeachment. Seven Republicans—a record-breaking 14% of the caucus—did vote “Guilty,” but it wasn’t enough to protect the nation from four more years of Trump rallies full of emboldened devotees. 

Minutes after the verdict was read, Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, who vowed to acquit ahead of the last day of the trial, had the rotten gall to state that Trump was absolutely guilty, but couldn’t be convicted due an extremely questionable “process” technicality of the Kentucky Republican’s own creation. 

Senate Republicans acquitted Donald Trump of high crimes and misdemeanors twice. So make them pay: Donate $1 right now to each of the Democratic nominee funds targeting vulnerable Senate Republicans in 2022.

How predictable this outcome may have been doesn’t temper the horror that Americans and our allies feel today. We can rage together.

The 43 (complete list here) will not be remembered fondly.   

To quote a friend, “Today tells me that there are 43 Republicans and 57 Americans in the US Senate.”

— Laura Anne Gilman (@LAGilman) February 13, 2021

Officer Goodman risked his life. The 43 wouldn't risk criticism from Fox News.

— Kurt "Masks Save Lives" Eichenwald (@kurteichenwald) February 13, 2021

The precedent set is of concern.

43 Senate Republicans have endorsed the idea that a president can do anything in his last month in office, without facing any consequences. It is hard to overstate what a dangerous precedent this is.

— Robert Reich (@RBReich) February 13, 2021

Today, the Senate minority was large enough to establish a precedent that presidents may send hordes of raving followers to attack the Capitol building and commit murder in an effort to overthrow the outcome of a valid national election.

— Walter Shaub (@waltshaub) February 13, 2021

Acquittal is not only approval of Trump’s effort to overturn the election and install himself in power, it is an invitation for him or someone else to do try it again.

— Adam Serwer 🍝 (@AdamSerwer) February 13, 2021

The cowardice of the GOP is palpable.

If Trump had incited two white nationalist insurrections, would that have been enough for Republicans to find their spine? What about four? Seven? What’s the number here?

— Public Citizen (@Public_Citizen) February 13, 2021

43 cowards put one man and their own political ambition ahead of the Constitution, the rule of law, and our democracy. Apparently, for them, there is no depravity too low.

— Rep. Gerry Connolly (@GerryConnolly) February 13, 2021

It’s remarkable that so few Republicans put their country first.

It is truly sad and dangerous that only 7 Republicans voted to convict a president who is promoting a Big Lie, conspiracy theories and violence, and is aggressively trying to destroy American democracy.

— Bernie Sanders (@BernieSanders) February 13, 2021

But some did step up and do what was right. Remember, Sen. Mitt Romney was the first, in the first Trump impeachment, to vote to impeach a president of his own party. So the seven also matter.

Thank you,@MittRomney@SenatorBurr@lisamurkowski@SenatorCollins@SenBillCassidy@BenSasse@SenToomey History will remember u as courageous patriots who put country first. The other 43 Republicans, were a rigged jury, an embarrassment to the country. History will not forget. pic.twitter.com/mMOfisui3G

— Ana Navarro-Cárdenas (@ananavarro) February 13, 2021

This trial proved Trump’s high crimes against the Constitution. 43 senators put Trump first and failed the test of history. But history was also made with the largest bipartisan majority ever voting to convict a president. The rest of the story is ours to write.

— Senator Chris Van Hollen (@ChrisVanHollen) February 13, 2021

Donald Trump incited a mob of domestic terrorists to attack our Capitol and overturn the election. Even 7 Senate Republicans couldn’t stomach his act of insurrection. Our democracy must be stronger than the former president and the 43 senators who sided with him today.

— Elizabeth Warren (@SenWarren) February 13, 2021

Unfortunately, they’re the minority within their own party.

Well that was a waste of time. Let’s get back to work.

— Senate Republicans (@SenateGOP) February 13, 2021

House Managers did an amazing job proving Trump’s guilt. Republicans did an amazing job proving that they don’t care.

— Irishrygirl (@irishrygirl) February 13, 2021

Republicans have a great gig in that they can just refuse to take governing seriously and gum up the works and everyone blames Democrats for it.

— Joshua Holland (@JoshuaHol) February 13, 2021

How can the Democrats ever work with these obstructionist cowards who answer to one man?

5 years ago—Republican Senators warned what would become of their party if Trump became their nominee. 5 years later—Trump tried to overturn the results of an election and provoked an assault on our government. And well over half of Senate Republicans decided to condone it.

— Chuck Schumer (@SenSchumer) February 13, 2021

Republicans: If you call witnesses we'll obstruct congress, you'll never get anything done. Democrats: Fine. No witnesses. You win. R: D: R: Just kidding. We're going to obstruct congress anyway and you'll never get anything done! Ha hah! Owned! D: Rats!

— Stonekettle (@Stonekettle) February 13, 2021

The demands to kill the filibuster might never be louder than they are now.

The danger of having Republicans in government is obvious.

— Secret Agent Number Six (@DesignationSix) February 13, 2021

Even an armed insurrection isn’t enough to persuade 10 Republicans to seek bipartisanship so nuke the filibuster and let’s get to work.

— Brian Tyler Cohen (@briantylercohen) February 13, 2021

If 7 Republicans is the most that will vote to convict a man who incited a mob that threatened their very lives — where the hell do people think 10 GOP votes are going to come from for anything in Biden’s agenda? We must abolish the filibuster. There is no other path forward.

— Kai Newkirk (@kai_newkirk) February 13, 2021

To: President Joseph Biden From: Every American who saw what the GOP did today Forget unity. Forget bipartisanship. Forget compromise. This is Trump's mob. Eliminate the filibuster and get everything America needs done now.

— Robert Reich (@RBReich) February 13, 2021

Beyond the filibuster, folks are looking forward.

Republicans have ZERO conscience. Remember in 2022. Pass it on.

— Chip Franklin InsideTheBeltway.com (@chipfranklin) February 13, 2021

The big winner from the impeachment is Biden. In 3 days he has divided the Republicans, destroyed Mitch McConnell & accrued huge moral authority The failure to convict will be an albatross around the Republicans’ neck. Not least because Trump isn’t gone

— Andrew Adonis (@Andrew_Adonis) February 13, 2021

Ppl saying this are overlooking how Republicans are already at work to prevent next election. Y’all think you’re going to defeat them electorally because Americans are outraged but they’re not trying to win electorally. It’s going to be a raw power grab w/ more political violence https://t.co/THxRNPIejT

— Unite in justice for the poor & oppressed (@BreeNewsome) February 13, 2021

Okay, the Senate trial is over. Republicans are traitors. Time for law and order to take over. DOJ, SDNY, DC and NDVA...whatcha got??? Bring it NOW!

— Kimberley Johnson (@AuthorKimberley) February 13, 2021

Then there was the limerick.

Republicans, making their pick, Concluded acquitting him quick. They have no dispute; They kneel at his boot; They want to continue to lick.

— Limericking (@Limericking) February 13, 2021

Feel free to share reactions that resonate with you in the comments, or even your own tweets.

Anger. Rage. Disgust. That is the vibe.  Republicans won’t hold members of their own party accountable, so we have to. Chip in $1 right now to each of these six Senate Democratic nominee funds to flip Republican Senate seats from red to blue in 2022.