Anniversary of Capitol attack brings a dilemma for teachers in Republican areas

On Jan. 6, 2021, we saw history being made as the U.S. Capitol came under attack by insurrectionists intent on overturning a presidential election. On Jan. 6, 2022, after a year in which many Republicans have decided that those events were just fine, actually, teachers across the country will have to decide whether or how to engage with that recent history.

For teachers in heavily Republican areas where the political pressure is to deny the reality of what happened, it could be a tricky day.

Liz Wagner, an eighth- and ninth-grade social studies teacher in Iowa, told the Associated Press that last year, administrators warned teachers to be careful in discussing the attack, and students pushed back against her use of the (accurate) term “insurrection.” At the time, she turned to the dictionary definition of the word—but this year, she’ll be more cautious, instead having students watch video of the attack and write about what they saw.

“This is kind of what I have to do to ensure that I’m not upsetting anybody,” she said. “Last year I was on the front line of the COVID war, trying to dodge COVID, and now I’m on the front line of the culture war, and I don’t want to be there.”

Anton Schulzki, the president of the National Council for the Social Studies and a teacher in Colorado, will be teaching about Jan. 6, secure in a contract with academic freedom protections despite the recent election of right-wing school board members in his district. 

“I do feel,” he told the AP, “that there may be some teachers who are going to feel the best thing for me to do is to ignore this because I don’t want to put myself in jeopardy, because I have my own bills to pay, my own house to take care of, my own kids to take back and forth to school.”

And no wonder, with Republican-controlled states passing law after law targeting the teaching of race in schools, but often throwing in broad language prohibiting the teaching of basically anything any (white) parent decides to complain about. “On the face of it, if you read the laws, they’re quite vague and, you know, hard to know actually what’s permissible and what isn’t,” Abby Weiss, who develops teaching tools for the nonprofit Facing History and Ourselves, said.

One thing teachers could bring to their classrooms to frame discussion of the insurrection might be the words of some prominent Republicans. Senate Minority Leader Mitch McConnell, say.

“Jan. 6th was a disgrace. American citizens attacked their own government. They used terrorism to try to stop a specific piece of democratic business they did not like. Fellow Americans beat and bloodied our own police. They stormed the Senate floor. They tried to hunt down the Speaker of the House. They built a gallows and chanted about murdering the Vice President,” McConnell said on Feb. 13, 2021. “They did this because they had been fed wild falsehoods by the most powerful man on Earth—because he was angry he’d lost an election.”

Or House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy, who on Jan. 13, 2021, said, “Some say the riots were caused by antifa. There’s absolutely no evidence of that, and conservatives should be the first to say it. ... Most Americans want neither inaction nor retribution. They want durable, bipartisan justice. That path is still available, but it is not the path we are on today. That doesn’t mean the president is free from fault. The president bears responsibility for Wednesday’s attack on Congress by mob rioters. He should have immediately denounced the mob when he saw what was unfolding.”

McCarthy, has, of course, changed his tune since in response to pressure from his conference and from Donald Trump. But he said that.

The Republican effort to sweep U.S. history under the rug has been most focused on the long ugly history of racism in this country. Unfortunately, though, the tools they’ve developed to keep teachers from teaching that set of truths will work just as well to keep teachers from teaching the truth about what Donald Trump supporters did just a year ago. Teachers in districts with right-wing school board members or in states with laws targeting critical race theory are right to be nervous—that’s the whole point. 

With one word, Mitch McConnell again shows his allegiance to party before country

Party before country, always. That’s how Mitch McConnell operates, and a little thing like an attack on the U.S Capitol is not going to change it. McConnell has said that “Trump is practically and morally responsible for provoking the events of” Jan. 6, but when asked if he’d support Trump for president in 2024 if Trump were the Republican nominee, the Senate minority leader said he “absolutely” would.

McConnell was answering a question from Bret Baier, having gone on Fox News for an exclusive interview probably intended to rehabilitate his standing with the Republican base a little bit after daring to criticize Trump. Never mind that McConnell’s criticism of Trump was clearly intended for media consumption and came after he first refused to hold an impeachment trial while Trump was still in office, then voted against even holding an impeachment trial because Trump was no longer in office, then voted to acquit Trump in the trial that happened over his objections. He criticized the golden idol of the Republican base, which meant he needed to do some sucking up to reconsolidate his power.

So when Baier first asked McConnell about 2024, he said “I’ve got at least four members that I think are planning on running for president, plus some governors and others. There’s no incumbent. It should be a wide-open race and fun for you all to cover.” But pressed directly on his position if Trump became the nominee, McConnell was crystal clear: “The nominee of the party? Absolutely.”

And that’s not just sucking up for McConnell. The Republican Party and its power is his first and foremost concern, always.

“Former President Trump's actions preceding the riot were a disgraceful dereliction of duty,” McConnell said after voting to acquit him.

If Trump is nominated in 2024, “absolutely” McConnell will support getting him into a position where he’ll again have a duty to derelict.

“The leader of the free world cannot spend weeks thundering that shadowy forces are stealing our country and then feign surprise when people believe him and do reckless things,” McConnell said.

But the Republican leader in the Senate can and will back a nominee who he knows for a fact will do exactly that, apparently. McConnell has told us that Trump incited an insurrection, but he is willing to subject the nation to that again out of loyalty to his party. McConnell may think he’s swearing loyalty now because he has a handle on things and won’t ever have to follow through on supporting Trump. He may not. But he’s also showing that, as Kerry Eleveld recently wrote, he doesn't realize the Republican Party as he knew it is dead. McConnell thinks he can reconsolidate his leadership, but all he’s done recently is follow the extremists of his party.

Republicans say they want an investigation into Capitol attack. How deep will they let it dig?

Forty-three Republican senators protected Donald Trump from accountability for inciting the insurrection at the U.S. Capitol when they voted to acquit in his second impeachment trial. They’re going to have a challenge protecting him—and maybe themselves—through the likely next phase of the response to the Jan. 6 attack: an investigation by a bipartisan commission similar to the 9/11 commission. The question is how serious and how empowered such an investigation will be, and Democrats need to ensure that the answer is “very.”

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi called for such an investigation in early February, writing to House Democrats, “It is also clear that we will need to establish a 9/11-type Commission to examine and report upon the facts, causes and security relating to the terrorist mob attack on January 6.” Retired Lt. Gen. Russel Honoré is already leading a security review, but the question of protecting the U.S. Capitol as a physical building is different from understanding how Jan. 6 happened—from incitement to active planning to responses while it was underway—and not just Congress but the whole nation needs to understand that.

We need to know more about Trump’s actions. The House impeachment managers laid out his public-facing statements showing that he absolutely called his supporters to Washington, D.C., on Jan. 6 in an attempt to prevent Congress from certifying President Biden’s election win, and that he continued to encourage them even as they were breaching the Capitol. But we know there’s more. Republican Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler has described a phone call between House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy and Trump in the midst of the attack in which McCarthy asked Trump “to publicly and forcefully call off the riot,” only to have Trump tell him, “Well, Kevin, I guess these people are more upset about the election than you are.” McCarthy told Herrera Beutler about the call. He needs to tell investigators about it, too. 

And Herrera Beutler’s Friday statement on that call pointed out that McCarthy isn’t the only likely witness: “To the patriots who were standing next to the former president as these conversations were happening, or even to the former vice president: if you have something to add here, now would be the time,” she said. That didn’t happen in time for the impeachment trial, but those people are still out there, and a bipartisan commission with subpoena power could potentially uncover some of them, along with many other facts that are necessary for ensuring this never happens again … but potentially very inconvenient for Trump and some other Republicans.

We also need to know more about failures by the Capitol Police and others tasked with protecting the Capitol. How did they miss the signs that this wasn’t going to be a peaceful free speech rally? We need to know who at the Pentagon did what with regard to National Guard deployments ahead of Jan. 6 and as the Capitol was under attack.

Lawmakers from both parties have called for a 9/11-type investigatory panel, but some of the Republicans are likely to either push for tight limits on what can be investigated or entirely back off those calls as impeachment—and the need to distract from it by acting very serious about some form of response to the attack—recedes into the past. 

“We need a 9/11 Commission to find out what happened and make sure it never happens again, and I want to make sure that the Capitol footprint can be better defended next time,” Sen. Lindsey Graham said Sunday, but let’s wait to hear the series of things he doesn’t want included and witnesses he doesn’t want called in the investigation. The second item on Graham’s list is likely to become a big Republican talking point—refocusing the response from “what happened and how can we understand it” to “what physical fortifications do we need.” It’s the Republican way: guns, not accountability.

Republicans will also start screaming if, for instance, some of their own start getting called as witnesses. It would be very interesting to hear from Sens. Josh Hawley and Ted Cruz, for instance, or Reps. Lauren Boebert and Marjorie Taylor Greene.

But a 9/11-type commission isn’t the only investigation in the works. Graham himself could be drawn into an investigation into efforts to overturn the Georgia election. Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger recorded the phone call in which Trump pressured him to “find 11,780 votes” because of an earlier phone call in which Graham asked him to illegally reject large numbers of ballots. That Georgia investigation obviously will focus on Trump. Trump also faces the possibility of a criminal investigation into Jan. 6. That’s a very remote possibility now, but given an empowered, detailed (the 9/11 commission investigated for 20 months) look into what happened … well, we can dream.

It’s unlikely that too many people will come out fully against an investigation into the attack on the Capitol. The thing to watch is what limits Republicans want to place on it. What questions do they think should be off limits? What witnesses do they not want called? Especially from people like Graham and Cruz and Hawley, that’s going to be a signal of where the really important information is—and both Democrats and good-faith Republicans need to be willing to pursue it.

Republicans say they want an investigation into Capitol attack. How deep will they let it dig?

Forty-three Republican senators protected Donald Trump from accountability for inciting the insurrection at the U.S. Capitol when they voted to acquit in his second impeachment trial. They’re going to have a challenge protecting him—and maybe themselves—through the likely next phase of the response to the Jan. 6 attack: an investigation by a bipartisan commission similar to the 9/11 commission. The question is how serious and how empowered such an investigation will be, and Democrats need to ensure that the answer is “very.”

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi called for such an investigation in early February, writing to House Democrats, “It is also clear that we will need to establish a 9/11-type Commission to examine and report upon the facts, causes and security relating to the terrorist mob attack on January 6.” Retired Lt. Gen. Russel Honoré is already leading a security review, but the question of protecting the U.S. Capitol as a physical building is different from understanding how Jan. 6 happened—from incitement to active planning to responses while it was underway—and not just Congress but the whole nation needs to understand that.

We need to know more about Trump’s actions. The House impeachment managers laid out his public-facing statements showing that he absolutely called his supporters to Washington, D.C., on Jan. 6 in an attempt to prevent Congress from certifying President Biden’s election win, and that he continued to encourage them even as they were breaching the Capitol. But we know there’s more. Republican Rep. Jaime Herrera Beutler has described a phone call between House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy and Trump in the midst of the attack in which McCarthy asked Trump “to publicly and forcefully call off the riot,” only to have Trump tell him, “Well, Kevin, I guess these people are more upset about the election than you are.” McCarthy told Herrera Beutler about the call. He needs to tell investigators about it, too. 

And Herrera Beutler’s Friday statement on that call pointed out that McCarthy isn’t the only likely witness: “To the patriots who were standing next to the former president as these conversations were happening, or even to the former vice president: if you have something to add here, now would be the time,” she said. That didn’t happen in time for the impeachment trial, but those people are still out there, and a bipartisan commission with subpoena power could potentially uncover some of them, along with many other facts that are necessary for ensuring this never happens again … but potentially very inconvenient for Trump and some other Republicans.

We also need to know more about failures by the Capitol Police and others tasked with protecting the Capitol. How did they miss the signs that this wasn’t going to be a peaceful free speech rally? We need to know who at the Pentagon did what with regard to National Guard deployments ahead of Jan. 6 and as the Capitol was under attack.

Lawmakers from both parties have called for a 9/11-type investigatory panel, but some of the Republicans are likely to either push for tight limits on what can be investigated or entirely back off those calls as impeachment—and the need to distract from it by acting very serious about some form of response to the attack—recedes into the past. 

“We need a 9/11 Commission to find out what happened and make sure it never happens again, and I want to make sure that the Capitol footprint can be better defended next time,” Sen. Lindsey Graham said Sunday, but let’s wait to hear the series of things he doesn’t want included and witnesses he doesn’t want called in the investigation. The second item on Graham’s list is likely to become a big Republican talking point—refocusing the response from “what happened and how can we understand it” to “what physical fortifications do we need.” It’s the Republican way: guns, not accountability.

Republicans will also start screaming if, for instance, some of their own start getting called as witnesses. It would be very interesting to hear from Sens. Josh Hawley and Ted Cruz, for instance, or Reps. Lauren Boebert and Marjorie Taylor Greene.

But a 9/11-type commission isn’t the only investigation in the works. Graham himself could be drawn into an investigation into efforts to overturn the Georgia election. Secretary of State Brad Raffensperger recorded the phone call in which Trump pressured him to “find 11,780 votes” because of an earlier phone call in which Graham asked him to illegally reject large numbers of ballots. That Georgia investigation obviously will focus on Trump. Trump also faces the possibility of a criminal investigation into Jan. 6. That’s a very remote possibility now, but given an empowered, detailed (the 9/11 commission investigated for 20 months) look into what happened … well, we can dream.

It’s unlikely that too many people will come out fully against an investigation into the attack on the Capitol. The thing to watch is what limits Republicans want to place on it. What questions do they think should be off limits? What witnesses do they not want called? Especially from people like Graham and Cruz and Hawley, that’s going to be a signal of where the really important information is—and both Democrats and good-faith Republicans need to be willing to pursue it.

Military officials got an ugly surprise from impeachment video of Pence being rushed to safety

Donald Trump made his supporters angry, called them to Washington, D.C., on the day Mike Pence was presiding as Congress certified Trump’s election loss, whipped them up into a vicious mob, and sent them to the U.S. Capitol, enraged at Congress and at Pence. We’ve known that.

This week, thanks to the House impeachment managers, we’ve learned just how close the mob came to Pence—and thanks to Sen. Mike Lee’s bumbling outrage, we’ve learned that Trump knowingly targeted Pence with another tweet immediately after he was moved for his safety. The mob responded to Trump’s effort to aim it at Pence, with his tweet saying “Mike Pence didn’t have the courage to do what should have been done to protect our Country and our Constitution” being read through a bullhorn by one of the insurrectionists.

Pence wasn’t rushed to safety alone, though. He was with his family, his security detail … and a military officer carrying the vice president's backup nuclear football. CNN reports that, according to an unnamed defense official, U.S. Strategic Command learned how close the football came to the mob when the impeachment managers played that new video showing Pence’s group rushing down a flight of stairs to a more secure location within the Capitol.

To be clear, the vice president’s nuclear football is a backup, and Trump’s football was secure at the White House, and the officer carrying Pence’s football never lost control of it, and there are a ton of safeguards built in to prevent an accidental nuclear strike. In the actual-nuclear-strike department, having it close to but not in the hands of the mob was not necessarily more dangerous than having it in the hands of Donald Trump for four years.

That said, there were other dangers, the Arms Control Association’s Kingston Reif told CNN: “The risk associated with the insurrectionists getting their hands on Pence's football wasn't that they could have initiated an unauthorized launch. But had they stolen the football and acquired its contents, which include pre-planned nuclear strike options, they could have shared the contents with the world.”

Trump’s malice was such that when he aimed that mob at Pence in his effort to overturn the election results and remain in the White House against the will of the voters, he not only tried to threaten the man who had obsequiously flattered him and done his bidding for four years, he threatened Pence’s family, his Secret Service detail, and both the nuclear football and the officer carrying it. Trump’s only thought was to try to stay in office or, failing that, radically undermine U.S. democracy and delegitimize the new president. He did not care who he put in danger to that end. It’s a lot for Republican senators to ignore. By doing so, they show us who they are.

Are any Republican senators listening to the case against Donald Trump? Live coverage #4

The House impeachment managers kicked off day one of Donald Trump’s second impeachment trial with a searing video of the Capitol attack, reminding senators of the stakes of the trial—and of the danger they had faced—at the beginning of an argument about the constitutionality of impeaching someone after he’s left office. Day two begins the actual arguments for convicting Trump, and it’s expected to bring more video evidence of what Trump incited and how he incited it.

The arguments will be presented by the nine House impeachment managers, led by Rep. Jamie Raskin. They have 16 hours to make the case over two days before Trump’s alternately incompetent and scary defense has the same amount of time. You can watch on most television news channels or their websites, and Daily Kos will have live coverage.

Thursday, Feb 11, 2021 · 12:43:42 AM +00:00 · Barbara Morrill

The trial is officially adjourned until tomorrow at 12 ET. We’ll be back with live coverage at that time.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 11:34:41 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

And we’re back, with Rep. David Cicilline walking through Trump’s actions on Jan. 6.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 11:43:10 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

It will be interesting to see if McCarthy will make any comment on this conversation.

Conversation between Kevin McCarthy and the White House.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 11:47:49 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Cicilline spending quite a bit of time on the Tuberville call. Because it is seriously jarring.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 11:52:52 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Plaskett’s earlier presentation may have been the most shocking when it came to events on Jan. 6, but Cicilline’s has been almost equally painful just by pointing out Trump’s inaction.

Rep. Joaquin Castro picking up the story now.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 11:58:03 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Castro pointing out the timing of Trump’s tweet about Pence, just as the crowd is chanting “Hang Mike Pence,” and then seeing that crowd reacting to the tweet in real time, has to be one of the most impactful moments of the presentation. 

Thursday, Feb 11, 2021 · 12:04:49 AM +00:00 · Joan McCarter

The focus on Pence has been so important. Those Republican senators are being forced to acknowledge that Trump sent the mob after him, that they intended to kill him. They’re being put in the position of having to betray Pence to stick with Trump.

Thursday, Feb 11, 2021 · 12:16:32 AM +00:00 · Joan McCarter

Rep. Castro’s use of multiple Republicans pleading with Trump during the insurrection to call it off makes that connection pretty darned clear. Every single person--Republican—making those calls knew that Trump incited this and was the only one who could stop it.

Thursday, Feb 11, 2021 · 12:17:10 AM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Underscoring Trump’s refusal to call on the National Guard, is another powerful point.

List of those involved in calling National Guard on Jan 6

Thursday, Feb 11, 2021 · 12:20:37 AM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Castro: “Senators, Donald Trump left everyone in this Capitol for dead.”

Thursday, Feb 11, 2021 · 12:32:16 AM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Castro finishes up the day.

Sen. Mike Lee rises to say that statements attributed to him were inaccurate. Considering that the only statement attributed to Lee was simply that he wasn’t Tuberville, it’s hard to see what the heck he’s objecting to.

Thursday, Feb 11, 2021 · 12:38:25 AM +00:00 · Joan McCarter

It’s unclear right now what the procedure is for dealing with Sen. Mike Lee’s objection. The parliamentarian has said that Lee’s motion to have his words stricken is out of order. He’s appealed that ruling, so they should be voting on whether he can ask for his words to be stricken. This is a diversionary tactic, Lee trying to seize attention, disrupt things, change the tenor of the day.

Thursday, Feb 11, 2021 · 12:38:52 AM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

What we’re having now is a roll call while everyone tries to figure out just what the hell Mike Lee is on about. Too bad he’s not as upset about someone starting an insurrection as he is about being misquoted in saying “I’m not Tommy.”

Thursday, Feb 11, 2021 · 12:41:52 AM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

And, whatever that was, we’re done for the night.

Thursday, Feb 11, 2021 · 12:42:04 AM +00:00 · Joan McCarter

So Lee has withdrawn his request, they might have to come back to it tomorrow, but they are now adjourned.

Impeachment trial of Donald Trump continues: Live coverage #3

The House impeachment managers kicked off day one of Donald Trump’s second impeachment trial with a searing video of the Capitol attack, reminding senators of the stakes of the trial—and of the danger they had faced—at the beginning of an argument about the constitutionality of impeaching someone after he’s left office. Day two begins the actual arguments for convicting Trump, and it’s expected to bring more video evidence of what Trump incited and how he incited it.

The arguments will be presented by the nine House impeachment managers, led by Rep. Jamie Raskin. They have 16 hours to make the case over two days before Trump’s alternately incompetent and scary defense has the same amount of time. You can watch on most television news channels or their websites, and Daily Kos will have live coverage.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 9:17:20 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

As we return from break, Rep. Plaskett and Rep. Swalwell are working their way through the actual events of the assault on the Capitol, including some video of events on that day. This may be the portion in which we see security video that hasn’t previously been seen by the public.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 9:24:52 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Definitely getting some locations and views that we haven’t seen before.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 9:27:39 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Second person into the Capitol was a man dressed in body armor and tactical gear.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 9:33:42 PM +00:00 · Joan McCarter

As House impeachment managers show the video of Eugene Goodman's heroic actions, Eugene Goodman is actually guarding the Senate today. Saw him about 20 minutes ago just outside the chamber.

— Matt Fuller (@MEPFuller) February 10, 2021

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 9:38:59 PM +00:00 · Barbara Morrill

Mitt Romney’s close call that day. He owes Officer Goodman: 

Officer Goodman turns Sen. Romney away from danger during the insurrection pic.twitter.com/gukpzQo9zZ

— TPM Livewire (@TPMLiveWire) February 10, 2021

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 9:40:25 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

No point. He’s not even pretending.

The House managers are about to show graphic footage of Trump’s MAGA Mob storming the Capitol and murdering a police officer. Someone wake up @HawleyMO so he can pretend to give a shit.

— Kevin M. Kruse (@KevinMKruse) February 10, 2021

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 9:46:02 PM +00:00 · Barbara Morrill

On the left, the orange dot is Pence, the red dot is the mob. That’s how close they came to Pence. 

Truly remarkable footage of Vice President Pence and his family being escorted out of the Senate chamber. President Trump was back at the White House, continuing to trash Pence, according to multiple people. pic.twitter.com/Vr3c5EBwTR

— Kaitlan Collins (@kaitlancollins) February 10, 2021

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 9:53:46 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Swalwell takes up the story of the seditionists fighting against the Capitol police and breaking through their lines.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 9:55:09 PM +00:00 · Joan McCarter

This is what Donald Trump tweeted in the moments VP Pence was being evacuated, just feet away from the mob that was out for his blood. “Mike Pence didn’t have the courage to do what should have been done to protect our Country….”

House impeachment managers continue making the case against Donald Trump: Live coverage #2

The House impeachment managers kicked off day one of Donald Trump’s second impeachment trial with a searing video of the Capitol attack, reminding senators of the stakes of the trial—and of the danger they had faced—at the beginning of an argument about the constitutionality of impeaching someone after he’s left office. Day two begins the actual arguments for convicting Trump, and it’s expected to bring more video evidence of what Trump incited and how he incited it.

The arguments will be presented by the nine House impeachment managers, led by Rep. Jamie Raskin. They have 16 hours to make the case over two days before Trump’s alternately incompetent and scary defense has the same amount of time. You can watch on most television news channels or their websites, and Daily Kos will have live coverage.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 7:08:36 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Madeleine Dean steps up to continue the case, focusing on Trump’s actions to overturn the election through multiple means.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 7:11:48 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Dean reviews Trump's losses in court cases.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 7:22:05 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Dean reviewing the attacks Trump made on Republican GA Sec. of State Brad Raffensperger, is a good reminder — and clear signal of just how far Trump was willing to go. 

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 7:27:18 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Ted Lieu picks up the story next, looking at Trump’s actions in the last days leading up to Jan. 6.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 7:32:39 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

There’s been a strong thread, running through all the presentations, that encourages Republicans to stand against Trump. It’s been there in how Raskin and Neguse talked about rejoining the Senators to complete the vote, in the blunt praise that was given Mike Pence in doing his job, and especially in how Dean called out courageous GOP officials. They’re giving Republicans a “brave” place to stand against Trump.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 7:38:35 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Lieu is following the last two desperate efforts from Trump:

  1. Fighting with Bill Barr, then with the rest of the DOJ, including threatening to scramble the leadership until he found someone who would support his claims of election fraud.
  2. Going after Mike Pence in an effort to intimidate him into taking an action that was completely unconstitutional and unlawful.
Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 7:42:52 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Between Rep. Dean and Rep. Lieu, they’ve done a really good job of showing Trump gradually backing into a corner, failing over and over in his attempts to overturn the election.

Both also did a very good job in providing Republicans a space to step up and be counted among “courageous public servants.”

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 7:43:54 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

The story is now being taken up by Stacey Plaskett, Delegate to United States House of Representatives from the U.S. Virgin Islands. 

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 7:45:59 PM +00:00 · Joan McCarter

The lead seditionist in the Senate is still proud to carry that flag. Sen. Josh Hawley just told reporters “What is going on right now is people do not approve of it.[...] I mean they think it's not legitimate, they think it's a waste of time.”

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 7:47:28 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Plaskett should be waking up the Senate with a passionate, firm declaration of how Trump was well aware that his words were encouraging violence. And how Trump directed that violence at the Congress.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 7:48:55 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

I just want to remind everyone of a top post on pro-Trump TheDonald forum on January 5th. pic.twitter.com/T1XhOpRUFx

— Ben Collins (@oneunderscore__) February 10, 2021

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 7:59:30 PM +00:00 · Joan McCarter

Blast from Sen. Marco Rubio’s recent past, regarding that attack in Texas on Biden’s bus: “We love what they did.” I hope the worm was squirming through that part of Rep. Plaskett’s presentation.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 8:01:29 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Plaskett pointedly showing a scene from a Trump rally with his supporters chanting “Destroy the GOP!”  It’s not subtle. But hopefully it does make a few senators squirm.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 8:10:54 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Trump's social media team was well aware of the gathering violence.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 8:14:38 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Plaskett's presentation would seem to nix the "Trump didn't incite them, because they planned it advance" defense, by showing just how involved Trump was in that planning.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 8:21:41 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Dean back up to specifically address events of Jan. 6.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 8:31:58 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Dean’s presentation continuing to show up Trump attacked Republicans for being “weak.” They’re doing all they can to remind GOP senators how readily Trump threw them in the trash.

The second day of Donald Trump’s second impeachment trial kicks off: Live coverage #1

The House impeachment managers kicked off day one of Donald Trump’s second impeachment trial with a searing video of the Capitol attack, reminding senators of the stakes of the trial—and of the danger they had faced—at the beginning of an argument about the constitutionality of impeaching someone after he’s left office. Day two begins the actual arguments for convicting Trump, and it’s expected to bring more video evidence of what Trump incited and how he incited it.

The arguments will be presented by the nine House impeachment managers, led by Rep. Jamie Raskin. They have 16 hours to make the case over two days before Trump’s alternately incompetent and scary defense has the same amount of time. You can watch on most television news channels or their websites, and Daily Kos will have live coverage.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 5:13:19 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Jamie Raskin opening with a series of the ways in which Trump summoned and incensed those who assaulted the Capitol.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 5:21:25 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Raskin’s recounting of Trump’s statements and actions on Jan. 6 is so disturbing all on its own, it shouldn’t even be necessary to see more. But obviously, it is.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 5:28:16 PM +00:00 · Joan McCarter

The tweet that underlies a huge part of the case, which Raskin has been centering.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 5:30:53 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Joe Neguse takes up the story, repeats the sequence that the mob was “summoned, assembled, and incited” by Trump.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 5:33:29 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Neguse lays out the way in which House managers will lay out their case.

The Provocation:

  • The Big Lie: The election was stolen
  • “Stop the Steal”
  • “Fight like hell”

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 5:41:54 PM +00:00 · Joan McCarter

Neguse: "He didn't just tell them to fight like hell. He told them where, how, and when."

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 5:51:10 PM +00:00 · Joan McCarter

If you were wondering if they would use the words of indicted insurrectionists—“Trump made us do it”—they are. 

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 5:55:27 PM +00:00 · Joan McCarter

“These defendants themselves told you exactly why they were here” pic.twitter.com/6HVsD8Kl0M

— The Tennessee Holler (@TheTNHoller) February 10, 2021

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 5:59:58 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Neguse finishes with a call out to the senators, telling them that his proudest moment in Congress was coming back that night “with you” to finish counting the electoral vote.

Rep. Joaquin Castro is taking over the narrative to explain in detail Trump’s incitement of his supporters.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 6:05:15 PM +00:00 · Joan McCarter

Using months of Trump’s statements about the rigged election—going back as far as May—is good strategy on the House managers’ part. Showing Trump’s supporters saying months before that they will reject a Biden win caps it. They are going to make it every Republican senator rejecting their argument look as bad as Trump.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 6:09:40 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Castro doing a good job of explaining just how unusual Trump’s statements about a rigged election. These claims are unlike anyone “at any level of government.”

People have become so used to Trump’s lies, it’s hard to realize just how out of the ordinary they are.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 6:14:18 PM +00:00 · Joan McCarter

Castro’s presentation includes footage from all the protests in the states starting in November, during the initial vote counting, all of it following Trump tweets and statements. There was ample evidence for what would happen on January 6.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 6:15:44 PM +00:00 · Joan McCarter

Igor Bobic reports from the chamber: “Hawley is the only senator sitting alone in the gallery. He spent most of the presentation with his legs crossed reading paper from a manilla envelope. He did look up and watched as Neguse showed criminal complaints from the rioters charged by DOJ.”

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 6:16:55 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Rep. Eric Swalwell takes up the story of incitement, showing how Trump only increased his rhetoric over time.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 6:17:58 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

The evidence is damning, chilling, and overwhelming. Only cowardice and complicity stands in the way of conviction.

— Dan Rather (@DanRather) February 10, 2021

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 6:31:46 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

It’s smart to see Rep. Swalwell bringing up tweets in which Trump insulted Republican senators.

Wednesday, Feb 10, 2021 · 6:41:46 PM +00:00 · Mark Sumner

Swalwell points out that Trump spent $50 million on national "STOP THE STEAL!" ads that ran until January 5 -- the day before the insurrection pic.twitter.com/ZKVMaG22d4

— Aaron Rupar (@atrupar) February 10, 2021

12 people besides Donald Trump spoke at January 6 rally. Remember their names, but know who to blame

On January 6, after months of telling his supporters the election had been stolen and weeks of telling them to gather in Washington, D.C., on that day to protest (“Be there, will be wild!”), Donald Trump stood in front of the White House and told a crowd “if you don’t fight like hell, you’re not going to have a country anymore,” and then moments later called on them to march on the Capitol. Trump is now on trial in the Senate following impeachment in the House. But he wasn’t the only person to speak that day, whipping up the crowd in the hours before it attacked the Capitol.

One speaker after another—12 of them—told the crowd to be angry, to believe that the election had been stolen, to believe that America itself was being stolen from them. (The not-very-buried subtext was “stolen from white people.”)

Two of the speakers were current members of the House of Representatives: Mo Brooks and Madison Cawthorn, the former telling the crowd to “start taking down names and kicking ass” and the latter urging them to hold members of Congress “accountable” if they didn’t try to overturn the election. A motion to censure Brooks didn’t get through the House Ethics Committee.

Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton was another public official on the state, accusing states that counted their votes and named President Biden the winner of having “capitulated.” After the attack on the Capitol, he did not join every other state attorney general in signing on to a statement condemning the violence. Paxton faces legal trouble, but it’s not because of this—it’s because he’s extremely corrupt.

Other speakers included Trump’s sons Don Jr. and Eric, as well as Trump campaign fundraiser/Don’s girlfriend Kimberly Guilfoyle and Eric’s wife Lara. Daddy Trump “has more fight in him than every other one combined, and they need to stand up and we need to march on the Capitol today,” Eric told the crowd. Don Jr. said, “You have an opportunity today: You can be a hero, or you can be a zero. And the choice is yours but we are all watching.”

Then there was the usual assortment of Trump hangers-on, people eager to elevate themselves by associating with him, to suck up to him by lying to his supporters, to bask in the cheering of an angry crowd themselves: former campaign adviser Katrina Pierson; personal lawyer Rudy Giuliani; “Women for America First” head Amy Kremer, who had done much of the rally organizing; law professor and conspiracy theorist John Eastman; former Georgia state Rep. Vernon Jones, who announced from the stage that he was becoming a Republican.

All of these people are terrible in one way or another. They all participated in inciting the crowd to violence—to believing that violence was righteous rather than an effort to overturn a democratic election. The public officials who participated—Brooks, Cawthorn, Paxton—bear some special blame for encouraging an attack on democracy itself and, in the former two cases, on their own coworkers. So, yeah, they should all be shunned and disdained and booed when they show their faces in public. 

But Donald Trump is the root of it all. Trump is the one who refused to concede the election and instead tried to overturn it and to undermine the legitimacy of U.S. democracy. Trump is the one who pressured Mike Pence to try to block the congressional counting of the electoral votes, something Pence was very clear he could not do. Trump is the one who called the crowd there on that day to disrupt that constitutional process. The crowd was not there to hear Katrina Pierson or John Eastman or even Eric and Don Jr. They were there because Donald Trump summoned them, and once they were there, he told them what to do: “fight like hell” and march on the Capitol.