The House GOP’s margin for error is on track to shrink to just one vote

Posted on by David Nir

Hah oh man! House Speaker Mike Johnson’s epic struggles to count votes and keep his caucus in line are about to get a whole lot rougher.

One of Johnson’s least-favorite members, Colorado Rep. Ken Buck, just announced that he’s resigning next week. How least-favorite? Johnson says that Buck—who had already said back in November that he wouldn’t seek reelection—didn’t even inform him ahead of time, reports Politico’s Olivia Beavers.

But intra-party hostilities aside, what matters most is how Buck’s departure affects Johnson’s math. In short, it’s not good.

At the moment, there are 219 Republicans in the House and 213 Democrats. This means that on any given vote, the GOP can afford a maximum of two defections. If three Republicans switch sides to join with Democrats on a particular roll call, then whatever is up for a vote dies, because a 216-216 tie is the same as a loss.

When Buck leaves, that margin will slip to 218-213. But on April 30, Democrats are the heavy favorites to regain one seat in the special election for upstate New York’s vacant 26th District, a solidly blue seat in the Buffalo area. That would take the House to 218-214, and then things get really interesting.

That’s because it would take just two Republicans to tank any vote as long as Democrats stick together, which they have with remarkable consistency. Once again, a 216-all tie sinks any GOP bill, resolution, impeachment—what have you.

In other words, Johnson’s magic number would shrink to exactly one vote. That is to say, if more than one Republican representative has some kind of grievance with the speaker, or the legislation being proposed, or just woke up grumpy that morning, then boom, dead, done. To the extent Johnson has any agenda he might hope to advance, it would take only two dissenters to derail it.

Now, there’s a possible wrinkle: The vacant seat that once belonged to the hapless pol Johnson succeeded as speaker—Kevin McCarthy—will also see a special election next week. However, if no one wins a majority of the vote, then there would be a runoff in late May. And there’s very good reason to think that’s exactly what will happen, because, following last week’s regularly scheduled primary, the first-place candidate (funny enough, a McCarthy protégé) is sitting on just 38% of the vote.

Of course, Johnson will still pray that McCarthy’s seat gets filled as quickly as possible, however poor the odds. Because the only thing worse is the math he’ll face if it doesn’t.

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Why Justin Amash could give the GOP a headache in Michigan’s Senate race

Posted on by David Nir

Former Rep. Justin Amash entered the Republican primary for Michigan's open Senate race on Thursday, but he's unlikely to have much appeal with GOP voters after quitting the party due to his hostility toward Donald Trump. However, by further fracturing the non-MAGA vote, his presence in the race could open the door for a more Trumpist candidate to jump in—and leave Republicans saddled with a nominee who could cost them a shot at flipping this seat.

During the 10 years Amash represented western Michigan's 3rd Congressional District, he often found himself at odds with Republican leadership and frequently dissented by invoking beliefs he described as "libertarian." His differences with his party reached new heights, however, when he came out in support of Trump's first impeachment in 2019, making him the only Republican to do so.

Amash soon after quit the far-right House Freedom Caucus, which he had co-founded, then left the GOP to become an independent. The following year, he joined the Libertarian Party, making him the first member of Congress to ever serve under the party's banner. But with his path to reelection seemingly foreclosed in a race that already featured candidates from both major parties, Amash opted against seeking a sixth term in 2020.

Now, though, Amash apparently sees a road back to office, but even setting his many apostasies aside, he still faces a further obstacle: former Rep. Peter Meijer, the man who succeeded him in Congress. Meijer also knows what it's like to be ostracized by the Republican Party. While never the maverick Amash was, Meijer backed Trump's second impeachment in 2021 and paid the price when he lost the GOP primary to a Trump-endorsed challenger, John Gibbs, the next year. (Gibbs was defeated in the general election by Democrat Hillary Scholten.)

For that same reason, Meijer also probably is not what pro-Trump voters are looking for; in a recent poll conducted by a GOP firm, he trailed former Rep. Mike Rogers 23-7. But the problem he and Amash pose to one another is not so much their standing with Republican voters but rather that they share the same geographic base in the Grand Rapids area. Rogers, by contrast, represented turf in the central and eastern parts of the state, though he's been out of office for nearly a decade.

It's therefore Rogers who's probably happiest to see Amash jump into the race, though the National Republican Senatorial Committee may be pleased as well. The executive director of the Senate GOP's official campaign arm slammed Meijer on the record when he launched his campaign last year, saying that "the base would not be enthused" if he were the nominee, so the committee may be hoping that Amash will hold Meijer back. Indeed, an NRSC spokesperson greeted Amash's announcement by snarking, "And here we thought Peter Meijer was the biggest Trump hater in this race."

But it's just as possible that the GOP's woes have increased. Politico's Ally Mutnick reported in November that NRSC operatives were worried Meijer could "split the moderate vote with another centrist candidate, such as former Rep. Mike Rogers," and allow an extremist to capture the Republican nomination. The far-right contender that party leaders were likely worried about, former Detroit Police Chief James Craig, has since dropped out, but a more formidable option could still emerge to take his place.

Amash can't be considered either a moderate or a centrist, but he'd draw from the same broader pool of primary voters who aren't aligned with Trump. And Rogers, who said in 2022 that "Trump’s time has passed" as he mulled his own presidential bid, is unlikely to scratch MAGA's itch.

Rogers, who did not end up seeking the White House, did an about-face and endorsed Trump earlier this year, but his belief that "Biden was lawfully elected to the presidency" may be too much for Big Lie believers to accommodate. Another candidate, wealthy businessman Sandy Pensler, could have his own issues with the base, as he told the Detroit News in December that he opposed passing federal laws that would roll back abortion rights, including any policies that would overturn the state's 2022 reproductive rights amendment.

But the time for a new candidate to enter the race is running short. Michigan's filing deadline is on April 23, and campaigns need to devote time and resources to make sure they have a place on the ballot.

The House GOP’s terrible math just got even worse

Posted on by David Nir

House Republicans have conclusively proven that they suck at math—and now the math has just gotten even worse for them.

On Wednesday, Democrat Tom Suozzi will be sworn in as the newest addition to the Democratic caucus, following his triumph in the special election to replace the extremely disgraced George Santos. Because Suozzi’s victory flipped New York’s 3rd District from red to blue, Democrats will now have 213 members in the House, while Republican ranks will remain frozen at 219.

That in turn means that House Speaker Mike Johnson’s comically slender margin for error will shrink even further, from a precarious three votes to a pitiful two. On any given roll call, should a trio of Republicans side with Democrats, that would spell instant death for the bill in question, since a 216-216 tie is the same as a loss.

We recently saw a preview of this very dynamic in action, when a tiny handful of renegades sank the GOP’s first attempt to impeach Homeland Security Secretary Alejandro Mayorkas. Now dissidents can cut off Johnson’s plans with just three defections.

This logic, of course, applies to any faction of Republicans who are unhappy with Johnson, whether they’re relative pragmatists, like those who opposed impeaching Mayorkas, or far-right lunatics, like the junta that deposed Johnson’s predecessor, Kevin McCarthy.

And with critical deadlines coming up to fund government operations and avoid a shutdown, any three Republicans with any grievance at all could make Johnson’s already hellish life even more so.

This state of affairs, by the way, will likely persist until mid-June, when special elections to fill three remaining vacancies will finally conclude. (One seat was held by a Democrat and two, including McCarthy’s, were held by Republicans, though none are likely to change hands.) But even then, the improvement for Johnson will be minimal at best, since he’d simply be back to the pre-Suozzi status quo of being able to manage no more than three defectors.

What makes this all the more remarkable is that when Nancy Pelosi had a comparably small majority in the prior Congress, she continually made magic happen—and never lost a single roll call vote. Her successor, Hakeem Jeffries, has likewise presided over an era of extraordinary Democratic unity.

As voters cast their ballots this fall to determine control of the House, this stark contrast—between extremist meshugas and grown-up governance—will do nothing to help Republicans argue that they should remain in charge.

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Why an accused Trump co-conspirator could get suspended from the Georgia Senate

Posted on by David Nir

Republican state Sen. Shawn Still, a fake elector who was indicted last week alongside Donald Trump for his alleged role in attempting to overturn the results of the 2020 presidential election in Georgia, could get suspended from the Senate as a result of his legal woes, reports the Atlanta Journal-Constitution's David Wickert.

Under the state constitution, a three-person panel to be convened by Republican Gov. Brian Kemp must decide whether Still's indictment both "relates to and adversely affects the administration" of his office and “that the rights and interests of the public are adversely affected thereby." If the panel concludes the answer to both questions is yes, then Still would be suspended until "the final disposition of the case" or his term expires, whichever happens first.

It's unclear when the matter will be resolved, though legal experts believe the case is unlikely to go to trial in March, as requested by Fulton County District Attorney Fani Willis. As a result, Still could find himself contemplating whether to seek reelection next year while he's under suspension. Undoubtedly, party leaders would prefer he not do so, particularly because his district in the Atlanta suburbs is vulnerable despite extensive GOP gerrymandering.

Incidentally, Still can thank former state Labor Commissioner Sam Caldwell for his latest predicament. In 1983, Caldwell was indicted by Fulton County prosecutors on a variety of charges, including allegations that he'd defrauded the state by demanding his employees perform extensive repairs on boats he owned. He resisted calls to resign and was only removed from office under threat of impeachment following his conviction the next year.

To avoid a similar spectacle in the future, Georgia lawmakers placed an amendment on the ballot in 1984 that would allow for the suspension of indicted public officials. It passed with 93% support. Shortly thereafter, Caldwell was also found guilty in federal court of deliberately sinking his yacht in order to collect insurance proceeds. Ironically, Caldwell's earlier conviction in state court centered around RICO charges—the very same statute Fulton County's current district attorney, Fani Willis, is relying on to prosecute Trump, Still, and their alleged co-conspirators.

Trump tried to steal Pennsylvania. Here’s how we stop him from succeeding next time

Posted on by David Nir

Next year's battle for the White House will once again come down to just a handful of states, and one of those states will be Pennsylvania.

And if Donald Trump is the GOP nominee once more, there's every reason to think he'll try to steal Pennsylvania's electoral votes, just like he sought to do in 2020—and was just indicted for.

Three years ago, our sturdiest backstop was the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, which conclusively shut down Trump's many bogus lawsuits that sought to overturn the election. We need to make sure the state's highest court stands ready to safeguard democracy yet again, which is why Daily Kos is proudly endorsing Judge Dan McCaffery in the Nov. 7 race to fill a critical vacant seat.

Democracy is on the line once again. You can help protect it by donating $5, $10, or whatever feels right to Democrat Dan McCaffery in Pennsylvania!

McCaffery is an unimpeachable jurist who has sat on the bench for a decade, winning election as an appeals court judge in 2019. He's the son of immigrants who fled violence in their native Ireland, an Army veteran, a West Point graduate, and a former prosecutor. He has the support of Planned Parenthood, labor unions across the state, and the state Democratic Party. And he earned the highest possible rating from the Pennsylvania Bar Association. In short, he's a fair-minded, independent judge who can be trusted to do the right thing.

Not so his Republican opponent. Judge Carolyn Carluccio not only holds extreme anti-abortion views, she's tried to conceal them by stripping references to her promise to be a "Defender" of "All Life Under the Law" from her campaign website. Even more troubling, she suggested without any evidence that mail voting could lead to fraud and even refused to answer directly when the Philadelphia Inquirer asked if she thought the 2022 and 2022 elections were "free and fair." That sounds like exactly the sort of judge Trump would want to have in his corner.

It goes without saying that the stakes in 2024 are as high as they come, which makes this fall's contest an extremely high-stakes affair as well. Right now, Democrats hold a 4-2 majority on the Pennsylvania Supreme Court, meaning that if Republicans flip this seat (which became vacant after Democrat Max Baer died last year), they'll shrink that edge to 4-3. That's way too close for comfort, especially if there's ever an absence, a recusal, or another vacancy.

And it wasn't too long ago that Republicans controlled the court—it was only in 2015 that Democrats were able to take it back. Republicans have never accepted the legitimacy of that new Democratic majority and even threatened to impeach Democratic justices after they struck down the GOP's gerrymandered maps a few years ago, so we know they're going to fight like hell to regain power.

In Wisconsin, we just saw how low conservatives will stoop to win a state Supreme Court seat—they even literally ran a shot-for-shot remake of the infamous Willie Horton ad. Pennsylvania Republicans will fight just as dirty.

That's why we need to do everything we can to help McCaffery win in November. The best antidote to corporate dark money is grassroots people power, and Daily Kos excels at delivering that.

Donate $20—or whatever you can—right now to elect Dan McCaffery to the Pennsylvania Supreme Court!

Wisconsin Republicans are hot to start impeaching Democrats. Here’s how we blow up those plans

Posted on (Updated by David Nir

Power-drunk Wisconsin Republicans, relying on maps they rigged themselves, just secured another ill-gotten weapon in the November midterms—the ability to impeach and remove government officials without a single Democratic vote. And they intend to use it: Right after the election, the Republican speaker of the state Assembly warned that his party’s new two-thirds supermajority in the Senate means the GOP “can take out people who aren't doing their job,” adding that it’s “a new power that we did not have a week ago.”

The good news is, we can take it right back. A longtime Republican senator recently resigned from the legislature, prompting a special election in a challenging but winnable district in the Milwaukee suburbs. If Democrats can win that race on April 4, then poof—the GOP’s Senate supermajority vanishes, and with it, the threat to oust Democrats like Gov. Tony Evers simply for being Democrats.

That’s why Daily Kos is endorsing attorney Jodi Habush Sinykin in this critical race.

Can you donate $10 or even $20 now to help Democrats flip a key seat in Wisconsin and nuke the GOP’s impeachment menace?

Habush Sinykin is exactly the sort of progressive we need. She’s an environmental lawyer with deep roots in her community who helped enact the historic Great Lakes Compact to safeguard at-risk waters and worked to pass legislation to regulate cruel puppy mills. She will fight to lower healthcare costs, invest in education, and above all, protect abortion rights. Believe it or not, abortion is now illegal in Wisconsin thanks to a ban that dates all the way back to 1849—a time when slavery was still lawful in this country. Habush Sinykin will be both a voice and a vote against that ban.

Fortunately, Habush Sinykin has the field to herself, since she’s the only Democrat in the race. Republicans, however, have three candidates running, each worse than the last, and they are in for a messy, messy primary on Feb. 21.

There’s state Rep. Dan Knodl, who signed a letter to Mike Pence asking him not to certify the results of Joe Biden’s victory on Jan. 6, 2021. Then there’s Van Mobley, president of the small village of Thiensville, who was the first elected official in the state to back Donald Trump and called efforts to halt the spread of COVID a “lie.” But the most special is state Rep. Janel Brandtjen, a certifiable election conspiracy theorist who wanted fellow lawmakers to “recall” the state’s 10 Biden electors, has earned the endorsement of the top anti-abortion group in the state, and is so toxic that her fellow Republicans banned her from attending caucus meetings!

But whichever Republican emerges from this dogpile will still have a built-in advantage, because the GOP gerrymandered the 8th District to insulate itself from voters: While the previous version of this seat was almost evenly divided between support for Biden and Trump, the redrawn district would have backed Trump by a 52-47 margin. But Republicans are in a race against time, because this well-educated, affluent area has moved sharply away from the GOP during the Trump era and continues to do so. That alone gives us a fighting chance.

But Republicans know the stakes just as well as we do. They don’t want to relinquish their supermajority status because they want to be able to terrorize Democrats who might dare cross them. And while they fell just short in 2022, two years from now, they’ll try once more to seize a two-thirds majority in the Assembly, too, which would allow them to override any vetoes by Evers.

We can smash a hole in all of those plans by winning this special election in April, but Wisconsin Democrats need our help right away, because there’s going to be a torrent of dark money flooding into this race just as quickly as you can say “Koch brothers.”

Please send $10 or $20 to Jodi Habush Sinykin right now so that she can flip a key seat in the Wisconsin state Senate and erase the GOP’s ill-gotten supermajority!

The Republican House majority is the most fragile they’ve had in a very long time

Posted on by David Nir

Republicans may soon find out that the only thing worse than losing the House is winning it. That’s because the foundation on which the GOP’s new majority rests is as shaky as they come—and that’s no mere opinion. It’s an unassailable fact, borne out by hard data.

The 222 seats Republicans will control in the coming Congress is the same number that Democrats held in the outgoing one. But not only do Republicans lack anyone remotely resembling Nancy Pelosi—one of the most accomplished legislative leaders in American history—a critical portion of their caucus represents districts that Joe Biden would have carried.

This batch of 18 “crossover” seats (so called because they voted for different parties for president and the House) is small by historical standards but looms very large indeed when set against the miniscule five-seat advantage Republicans enjoy in the chamber. How Pelosi accomplished so much with so little will be studied by a generation of scholars, but one key factor was doubtless the fact that only seven of her members sat in districts Donald Trump had won following the 2020 elections. (There will still be five Democrats in Trump seats come 2023.)

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And it’s not just the quantity of crossover seats but their quality, as well. We can rank-order every district by its presidential vote (a more useful metric than the results of House elections, which can be affected by varying candidate quality, competitiveness, and uncontested seats) to see which seat gave Pelosi that crucial 218th vote. It turns out to have been the previous version of Michigan’s 8th District around Lansing, which backed Trump by less than a single point and is represented by a reliable Democrat, Elissa Slotkin.

Needless to say, Kevin McCarthy—or any Republican who might have the misfortune to take his place—won’t have anything resembling that good fortune.

Quite the contrary: The seat tipping the GOP over the edge will be upstate New York’s redrawn 17th District, which would’ve gone for Biden by a vastly larger 10-point spread. And Republican Mike Lawler (who beat DCCC chair Sean Patrick Maloney) is already concerned with his immediate political survival—which means, in a blue district like this one, distancing himself from the Marjorie Taylor Greene lunatic brigade.

In 2016, Lawler served as a Trump delegate at the Republican convention, but just days after the midterms, Lawler told CNN that he’d “like to see the party move forward” from the GOP’s overlord and expressed a lack of interest in pursuing the witch-hunts and impeachments his far-right colleagues are frothing for. “I think the top priority is to deal with inflation and the cost of living,” he said. “I don’t want to go from one issue to the next without dealing with the issues that got me elected in the first place.”

It will be quite something to watch when the Greenes and Boeberts and assorted other miscreants grow enraged at the likes of Lawler, but he’ll by no means be the only House Republican prioritizing self-preservation over party unity. And what makes the case of Lawler and his fellow travelers so destabilizing is that their districts are much further to the left than those of similarity situated majority-makers in any recent Congress where Republicans have been in control.

We can say this with certainty. At Daily Kos Elections, we have a deep archive of robust data going back many years, allowing us to analyze the political lean of the 218th seat over time. Below we list the tipping-point districts for every Congress dating back to 2008, along with the results of the most recent presidential election in all of them:

During the last period of Republican control following the 2010 elections, you can see that these districts have generally been clustered right around dead even according to presidential margin: Trump +0.1 in 2016, Mitt Romney +1.1 in 2014, and Barack Obama +0.1 in 2012. 2010 might look like something of an outlier, but don’t forget that Obama won the national popular vote by 7 points. Compared to the nation as a whole, then, that version of Iowa’s 4th was only a touch bluer, as you can see in the column on the far right of the table above; in subsequent years, the GOP’s 218th seat was actually to the right of the country overall.

(By the by, Democrats now hold the current versions of Virginia’s 10th and Minnesota’s 2nd. They also won the successor to Iowa’s 4th in 2018 but lost it by less than a percentage point this year.)

To put Lawler’s district in the same context, it’s almost 6 points left of center. That makes it much more liberal than any pivot-point seat Boehner ever had to contend with, and Lawler knows it. That also goes for all the other Republicans in similar districts—or at least, if they don’t grasp this reality now, they will after they’ve lost re-election in 2024.

Pelosi, by contrast, has regularly handled similar situations and even tougher ones: After the 2008 elections, with the majority-making seat 10 points to the nation’s right, Democrats nevertheless managed to pass a massive stimulus package, a major Wall Street reform bill, and, of course, Obamacare. Republicans don’t even have a legislative agenda, let alone the ability to pass anything so far-reaching.

And this, of course, assumes that McCarthy or another Republican can even put together enough votes to win the speakership in the first place, which is far from assured. But even if he manages to, he’ll find that his authority rests on an exceptionally rickety base—one that both the pragmatists and the crazies will have no hesitation blowing up.

Raphael Warnock needs all the support he can get to help our Democratic majority in the Senate. Chip in $5 today to his runoff campaign.

New York’s Conservative Party threatens to spurn GOP congressman who voted to impeach Trump

Posted on by David Nir

The Conservative Party in Onondaga County, which makes up most of New York's 24th Congressional District, says it won't endorse Republican Rep. John Katko next year, putting the congressman at risk of losing a ballot line that's played a key role in sustaining his political career. Katko had previously lost the support of Conservatives in the other three counties in the district—Oswego, Cayuga, and Wayne—though the ultimate decision will fall to state party chair Jerry Kassar, who previously said Katko is "in trouble" and reportedly plans to defer to local leaders.

Katko has received a great deal of attention—and, from Donald Trump loyalists, scorn—for his vote to impeach Trump in January, but that's not the only issue putting him at odds with the Conservative Party. Die-hards are also pissed that he backed the Equality Act, which would protect LGBTQ rights, and that voted to boot Georgia Rep. Marjorie Taylor Greene from her committee assignments due to her violent rhetoric. However, Katko also voted for the Equality Act in 2019 and still retained the Conservative Party's support the next year, so there may be time to repair the relationship.

Katko will certainly hope so: In 2018, he defeated Democrat Dana Balter by 13,694 votes—fewer than the 16,972 he received on the Conservative line. While his victory wasn't dependent on that line in his 2020 rematch with Balter, Katko might not be so lucky next year, especially if Democrats target him in redistricting.

Onondoga Conservatives say they'll ask Kassar to either leave the party's line blank or endorse someone else in 2022. The latter option could prove particularly self-defeating, but it's a tack not unfamiliar to right-wing extremists in New York: Republicans lost a special election in 2009 in what was then the 23rd Congressional District after the GOP and the Conservative Party nominated different candidates, allowing Democrat Bill Owens to flip a seat that had been red since the 19th century.

‘His face was in your windshield’: GOP attorney general faces impeachment after deadly car crash

Posted on (Updated by David Nir

A bipartisan group of lawmakers in the South Dakota legislature have advanced articles of impeachment against Republican Attorney General Jason Ravnsborg after he was charged with three misdemeanors following a deadly car crash in which he struck and killed a man walking on the side of a highway last September.

Republican Gov. Kristi Noem has also called on Ravnsborg to resign and amped up the pressure on Tuesday by releasing two videos of interviews law enforcement officials conducted with him. In one, an investigator questioned Ravnsborg's claim that he was unaware he'd hit a person—he said he thought he'd run into a deer—by noting that the state Highway Patrol had found the victim's glasses inside Ravnsborg's vehicle. "His face was in your windshield, Jason. Think about that," said one detective.

A spokesperson for Ravnsborg has said the attorney general will not resign. A simple majority in the state House would be necessary to impeach him, and a two-thirds of the state Senate would have to vote to convict him in order to remove him from office. In the event of a vacancy, Noem would name a replacement.

Republicans won’t hold members of their own party accountable, so we have to

Posted on by David Nir

Senate Republicans have now acquitted Donald Trump in his second impeachment trial.

Thanks to the Senate's six-year terms, many of the Republicans who set aside their oaths to protect the Constitution in favor of protecting their lord and master, Donald Trump, won't be on the ballot next year. But quite a few of them will be, and several hold very vulnerable seats. They must face a reckoning for their party's failure to hold a dangerous renegade president accountable.

So where do we start? With the 2020 election barely in the rearview, we don’t yet know who our nominees will be in next year’s Senate races, but the good news is, we don't need to wait. ActBlue's Democratic nominee funds allow us to start fundraising for 2022 Democrats right now, and that's exactly what we're going to do.

Republicans won't hold members of their own party accountable, so we have to. Chip in $1 right now to each of these six Senate Democratic nominee funds to flip Republican Senate seats from red to blue in 2022.

These nominee funds will hold all donations in escrow until Democratic primary voters in each state pick candidates for Senate. Then, all the collected contributions will be transferred to the Democratic nominee in one fell swoop as soon as they win their primary. This will give our candidates a huge cash infusion at a time when they'll need it most and set them up to take back Republican seats and expand our Senate majority in 2022.

Daily Kos used these nominee funds to great effect in the past. We raised millions of dollars in 2017 and 2018 for Democratic House nominee funds in dozens of districts that ultimately flipped from red to blue—and made Nancy Pelosi Speaker. We can do something very similar now.

The 2022 Senate map looks good for the Blue Team on paper. Democrats are defending just 14 seats to the Republicans' 20, and four Republican incumbents have already announced their retirement. Three of those four departures are in competitive states—North Carolina, Ohio, and Pennsylvania—and more GOP senators may yet announce their retirements in other swing states. However, in a midterm election with an incumbent Democratic president, we can take nothing for granted or we could end up with another 2010- or 2014-style wipeout.

Senate Republicans acquitted Donald Trump of high crimes and misdemeanors twice. So make them pay: Donate $1 right now to each of the Democratic nominee funds targeting vulnerable Senate Republicans in 2022.