President Trump on Sunday said he had no use for Sen. Mitt Romney but insisted he wasn't holding a grudge against him for being the only Republican to vote for his impeachment.
The White House last week excluded Mr. Romney from a coronavirus task force conference call attended by every ...
Recruitment flops and lackluster fundraising have weakened Republicans’ chances in over a dozen competitive House districts, leaving them with an increasingly narrow path back to power.
Though GOP strategists feel confident they will see some gains this cycle, the latest fundraising reports out last week painted a bleak picture of their odds of netting the 18 seats needed to recapture the House, particularly with campaigning frozen by a global pandemic.
Democrats continue to ride the "green wave" of campaign contributions that propelled them to the majority in the 2018 midterms. Nearly 30 of the most endangered House Democrats have banked $2 million or more in their reelection war chests, offering a layer of protection in otherwise challenging districts.
Meanwhile, Republicans have been unable to field strong candidates in key districts in Michigan, New York, Wisconsin and Minnesota that the president carried and the start of primary season has left them hamstrung by weak nominees in some Illinois and California targets.
“Flipping the House is unlikely at this point. You never say never, but unlikely,” said former Rep. Charlie Dent (R-Pa.), a moderate who retired in 2018. “While Republicans have more offensive opportunities than Democrats in House races this cycle, Republicans are playing more defense than they’d like given retirements, especially in Texas.”
Republicans thus far are struggling to claw back the seats they lost in the midterms, much of it suburban territory that has moved toward Democrats since the election of President Donald Trump in 2016. Many of the seats where Democrats have fortified their majority are in places like suburban Philadelphia, Detroit and Denver — major presidential battlegrounds.
Among the other roadblocks: Redistricting in North Carolina turned two Republican districts into safe Democratic territory. And at least half a dozen open and GOP-held seats are on track to be highly competitive, diverting precious resources to defense.
“It feels like a status quo year in the House,” Dent said.
Even in the midst of the coronavirus outbreak, endangered Democratic incumbents raised exorbitant sums of money in the first three months of the year. Seven of them cleared $1 million.
While incumbents typically have a sizable financial advantage, the Democrats’ lead is particularly stark.
Every one of the 42 members in the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee’s protection program for endangered incumbents had at least $1 million in cash on hand at the start of April, and all but two of them have at least twice as much banked as their opponents. Of their challengers, only 11 had more than $500,000 saved by the end of March.
House GOP leadership began 2020 by warning candidates that they were facing an all-out fundraising crisis — and while they found some bright spots in the first-quarter filings, officials are still sounding alarms.
“We have success stories, but we still have a long way to go,” National Republican Congressional Committee Chairman Tom Emmer said in a statement. “We don’t need to match the Democrats dollar for dollar, but each and every candidate needs to be able look in the mirror and be able to say they are doing all they can to carry their own weight.”
Spotty fundraising is already nudging more than dozen Democratic-held districts to the outer edges of the playing field.
The GOP’s most glaring recruitment hole is in an Upstate New York seat held by Democratic Rep. Antonio Delgado that is one of a dozen held by Democrats that Trump won with over 50 percent of the vote in 2016.
Republicans have also struggled in other Trump-won districts. Democratic Rep. Angie Craig has no opponent with more than $100,000 in the bank vying for her suburban Minneapolis seat. None of the candidates running against Democratic Reps. Ben McAdams (D-Utah) and Matt Cartwright (D-Pa.) has more than $300,000 on hand. And all three seats have crowded primaries.
"They have very few candidates who are reaching the goals that they should be reaching — so they have a map on fire, essentially,” said Abby Curran Horrell, the executive director of House Majority PAC, congressional Democrats’ main outside group. “There’s very few places where things look secure."
Recruiters have also been stumped in Michigan, a state that will host competitive Senate and presidential contests. Eric Esshaki, a potential challenger to Democratic Rep. Haley Stevens, has said he does not have enough signatures to get on the ballot before Tuesday's deadline and has resorted to suing the governor. In a neighboring district, Democratic Rep. Elissa Slotkin has $3.7 million banked; none of her opponents raised more than $50,000 without self-funding.
In California, Democratic Reps. Josh Harder and Katie Porter both have more than 30 times the amount of cash-on-hand as the Republicans who advanced with them from the March all-party primary.
“We needed to put these seats to bed and be done with them in the off year, and that is what we set out to do,” DCCC executive director Lucinda Guinn said.
Republican prospects are also dimming in two Chicago-area battlegrounds where the party nominated weaker-than-expected standard-bearers. Democratic Rep. Sean Casten will face Jeanne Ives, who ran a scorched-earth 2018 governor campaign attacking transgender and abortion rights — stances that may not endear her to suburban swing voters.
To the west, in a seat held by Democratic Rep. Lauren Underwood, national Republicans were so eager to block a primary win by GOP state Sen. Jim Oberweis that they dropped over $900,000 in attack ads against him. Oberweis, an immigration hardliner who has made unsuccessful runs for the House, Senate and governor’s mansion over the past two decades, narrowly won anyway.
A dairy magnate, Oberweis is prone to self-funding but Underwood has $2.3 million on hand.
“There’s an entire super PAC that went in to try to stop Jim Oberweis from becoming the Republican nominee, and now he’s their nominee,” Guinn said. “He’s a perennial loser who Republicans can’t afford to bail out in the Chicago media market.”
Both parties largely agree that a cluster of suburban seats around Denver, Tucson, Minneapolis, Seattle, San Diego and Washington, D.C., that Democrats flipped by wide margins last cycle are not in play because they are trending quickly away from the GOP.
As the battlefield crystallizes, there are roughly 25 Democratic-held seats that are on track to be highly competitive — though that number could change as the national political environment shifts throughout the summer and fall. More than half lie of in districts that Trump carried in 2016, offering the GOP glimmers of hope.
Republicans have landed some impressive and well-funded recruits in some of those districts, but they also face messy primaries in many of their top pickup opportunities. Republicans won’t choose a nominee until June to face Reps. Xochitl Torres Small (D-N.M.), Kendra Horn (D-Okla.) and Joe Cunningham (D-S.C.), who all hold seats Trump carried by double digits.
The coronavirus outbreak has upended the GOP primary in Democratic Rep. Abigail Spanberger’s central Virginia seat; officials were forced to postpone the nominating convention set for this week, and the campaigns are in limbo.
National Republicans hope state Del. Nick Freitas emerges as the nominee, in part because the conservative Club for Growth has signaled it will spend heavily to elect him. But the winner is likely to be chosen by delegates in an unpredictable process. Several Republicans are running, but none has more than $250,000 in the bank. Spanberger has $3.1 million.
Meanwhile, the pandemic is certain to cripple fundraising throughout the summer months, meaning Republicans who empty out their accounts to win primaries could seriously struggle to refill the coffers.
Still, GOP officials insist that House races are highly susceptible to top-of-the-ticket trends, and that races in red-leaning districts could heat up late in the fall as the presidential race tightens, even if they have middling nominees with insufficient cash.
For example, Rep. Jared Golden (D-Maine) has at least 10 times more cash on hand than any of his opponents. But Maine is one of two states that divides electoral votes by congressional district, and national Republicans hope investment by the Trump campaign could help lift Golden’s opponent.
To widen their net, Republicans are also investing heavily in a handful of seats where the president is less popular.
"We’re going to maximize our chances not only in Trump country, but also in a group of swing seats that, on the presidential side, we may ultimately lose by a couple points,” said Dan Conston, the president of the Congressional Leadership Fund, the House GOP’s top super PAC. “But we have recruited uniquely strong candidates that can outrun the top of the ticket."
Among them: Tom Kean Jr., a New Jersey state Senate minority leader and son of a former governor; Michelle Steel, a supervisor in Orange County, Calif.; former Rep. David Valadao (R-Calif.) and Wesley Hunt, an army veteran running in Houston. They are also the rare GOP candidates who raised more than a half a million last quarter.
Yet Republicans' hopes could rest heavily on the extent to which they have to play defense. Races for GOP-held seats in Texas, Harrisburg and suburban Atlanta will be heavily contested.
Democrats have tried to land well-funded recruits who can force national Republicans to spend to protect otherwise-safe incumbents. While the party has no strong candidate to take GOP Rep. Brian Fitzpatrick in swing Philadelphia seat and is likely to again nominate failed 2018 candidates in New York and Nebraska battlegrounds, it has found formidable contenders in several other districts.
More than a half dozen endangered Republican incumbents were outraised by a Democratic challengers last quarter, including Reps. Rodney Davis (R-Ill.), Jim Hagedorn (R-Minn.), Jaime Herrera Beutler (R-Wash.), Chip Roy (R-Texas) and Jeff Van Drew (R-N.J.).
“The nightmare scenario for Republicans is that Democrats have enough money that they can be on offense,” said one veteran GOP consultant. “A lot of that has to do with how much pressure we can put on Democratic incumbents, and so that’s why recruiting failures anywhere are not ideal.”
Congress and the Trump administration are quickly nearing a more than $400 billion deal on emergency funding for small businesses hit hard by the coronavirus pandemic, with passage expected in the coming days.
A deal could be announced as early as Sunday or Monday, according to congressional aides. On a conference call with President Donald Trump and Republican senators on Sunday afternoon, Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell (R-Ky.) told Republicans that the only portion of the package not agreed to focused on coronavirus testing, according to a person briefed on the call. McConnell and Treasury Secretary Steven Mnuchin also said the money for state and local government funding, as well as food stamp aide requested by Democrats, would not be included in the deal.
But McConnell said the deal was not yet finalized, and he was noncommittal when asked about the timing of a Senate vote on the agreement, a second person familiar with the call said. McConnell did say the Senate would work to pass the agreement as soon as possible; a pro forma session is scheduled for Monday afternoon. Trump thanked everyone on the call for their hard work on the bill. White House chief of staff Mark Meadows was also on the call.
House Democrats will hold a conference call on Monday afternoon. In a separate call with her leadership team on Sunday afternoon, Speaker Nancy Pelosi ticked off the “four to five outstanding items,” according to sources familiar with the call.
Word of the impending deal came after Congress allowed the small-business rescue fund it set up to exhaust its $350 billion funding capacity on Thursday, amid a standoff over Democrats’ demand that the package include aid for hospitals and state and local governments. It appears Democrats will get some of their new demands, but will have to fight for the state and local funding in the next round of aid.
The negotiations are also taking place as Trump pushes for a gradual reopening of the U.S. economy but as Republicans and Democrats disagree about how to surmount the hurdle of virus testing.
Mnuchin told host Jake Tapper on CNN’s “State of the Union” on Sunday that there would be $300 billion for the Small Business Administration’s Paycheck Protection Program, $50 billion for the Economic Injury Disaster Loan, $75 billion for hospitals and $25 billion for testing.
“I think we’re making a lot of progress,” Mnuchin said.
Pelosi also expressed optimism in an interview broadcast Sunday on ABC’s “This Week.” “Again, we have common ground,” she said. “I think we’re very close to agreement.”
Mnuchin and Pelosi’s comments were echoed across the Sunday-show circuit from Vice President Mike Pence and Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer.
Mnuchin, who is hopeful a deal could pass the Senate on Monday and the House on Tuesday, said he had been in contact with Republican congressional leaders and had spoken with Schumer (D-N.Y.) on Sunday morning.
“We’re all on board with the same plan,” Mnuchin said on “State of the Union.”
While acknowledging that negotiations are ongoing, Pence told “Fox News Sunday” that “we are very close.” Schumer, who noted that “our staffs are meeting 24/7,” told CNN he was “very hopeful” an agreement would be reached Sunday night or early Monday.
“Many of the things we have asked for on the banking side, on the testing side, on the hospital side, they’re going along with,” Schumer said. “So we feel pretty good. We still have a few more issues to deal with.”
With PPP funding dried up, thousands of potential borrowers looking for aid during the pandemic have been shut out.
Pelosi, however, insisted that businesses would have their relief in a “timely fashion.”
“We know that we have an opportunity and an urgency to do something for our hospitals, our teachers, and firefighters, and the rest right now,” she said. “And then we are preparing for our next bill.”
Congress has faced pressure to pass PPP funding unanimously, as soon as possible. That pressure has mounted with reports that more than 22 million Americans have lost their jobs over the past month. But Democrats want some of the money to be set aside for communities with few banking institutions. And they’ve pushed for more money for state governments, local governments and hospitals.
Any member can object to a deal, so congressional leaders would need to run it by their members to see how to pass the legislation. It’s an open question whether the bill would require a roll call vote if someone objected to its passage.
House Democrats predict the earliest they could call a vote would be Wednesday.
Senior Democrats currently expect at least one Republican to object to passing the relief package via voice vote and are preparing to alert members that they may need to fly back to Washington.
House Minority Leader Kevin McCarthy (R-Calif.) said Republicans would probably demand a roll call vote, House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer (D-Md.) told Democrats on the leadership call on Sunday.
The House could also move this week to temporarily change its rules to allow members to vote via proxy on future coronavirus relief packages. The vote, which would probably occur after passing the interim package, would be a historic change that senior lawmakers in both parties have long resisted.
After a partisan standoff, multiple sources in both parties said on Saturday that notable progress had been made on brokering a tentative deal.
Over the last 48 hours, Trump has repeatedly attacked Pelosi and those he has labeled “Do Nothing Democrats,” asserting they are costing Americans jobs by blocking new PPP funds.
“Nancy Pelosi is blocking it. She sits in her house in San Francisco, overlooking the ocean, and she doesn't want to come back. She doesn't want to come back,” Trump said at the White House on Saturday during his coronavirus briefing.
On Sunday, Pelosi brushed his comments aside.
“I don’t pay that much attention to the president’s tweets against me,” she said. “As I’ve said, he’s a poor leader. He’s always trying to avoid responsibility and assign blame.”
She called the president’s embrace of opening up the country quickly a distraction from the fact that Trump did not act appropriately on testing, treatment, contact tracing and quarantine.
Pelosi said everything Congress had done on pandemic relief — the three bills put forward in March — were bipartisan, and that’s how things would stay.
She is open to the idea of proxy voting, a change suggested by the chairman of the House Rules Committee, Rep. Jim McGovern (D-Mass.), that would be temporary and likely apply only to emergency coronavirus legislation. Pelosi said there would need to be a vote to change House rules, which should also be done in a bipartisan fashion.
“We have a template,” she said. “We’ve done it once. We can do it again.”
Following Pelosi’s appearance on the president’s favorite news channel, Trump called the most powerful woman in the country “dumb” and warned that Fox News host Chris Wallace and the channel itself were “on a bad path.”
“Nervous Nancy is an inherently ‘dumb’ person,” Trump wrote. “She wasted all of her time on the Impeachment Hoax. She will be overthrown, either by inside or out, just like her last time as ‘Speaker.’”
Heather Caygle and Zachary Warmbrodt contributed to this report.
Republicans and Democrats agree coronavirus testing is a huge hurdle for President Donald Trump's vaunted reopening of the economy. But they disagree on what to do about it.
Democrats are pushing for a federal, centralized approach that would nationalize the distribution of millions of coronavirus tests to get people back to work and school, aiming to make it a hallmark of the next congressional response to the disease.
But plenty of Republicans say testing should be handled by states and the private sector.
The clash spilled out into the open Friday, as Senate Democrats pressed Vice President Mike Pence on testing during a heated caucus call in which Sen. Angus King (I-Maine) described it as a "dereliction of duty" for the administration to not have a national testing regime.
Even Senate Republicans pushed the administration on testing during another call with the president and Pence this week. Sen. Ted Cruz (R-Texas) said in an interview that he recommended that the administration focus on the distribution of tests that produce rapid results. Pence also told senators that, by the end of the month, the administration expects the production of 20 million antibody tests a month, Cruz recalled.
“They have mobilized enormous resources and have been vigorous and aggressive, but with a response to any crisis of course there are things that could have been done better," Cruz said. "It's not where it needs to be yet and so when I spoke with the president [Thursday] I urged him to do even more on testing."
The conflict over how to address stubborn test shortages comes as President Donald Trump and most congressional Republicans are pushing to re-open the economy as soon as May 1 — even as infectious disease experts warn against doing so too soon. But that might be impossible until there’s millions more tests available.
“We know the kind of testing we are doing is so inadequate for what we need to do,” said Sen. Mazie Hirono (D-Hawaii).
“If I were king for a day … I would concentrate on three things: testing, testing and testing,” said Sen. John Kennedy (R-La.), who is itching to reopen the economy himself as the rate of infections slows in his state. “There are tens of thousands, maybe millions of people walking around with the virus without symptoms, they may never have symptoms. Unfortunately they’re contagious as hell.”
Whether states or the federal government take the lead depends in large part on how Congress legislates — and whether Republicans push Trump to federalize the testing program. And the argument highlights the central question facing the country: How to make people comfortable enough to resume daily life and avoid an economic depression while still limiting the spread of the deadly virus.
Delays in reaching consensus on testing could further stall businesses from reopening and even exacerbate the spread of the virus.
Amid the partisan clash over an interim relief package for small businesses, Senate Minority Leader Chuck Schumer (D-N.Y.) and Senate Democrats are now insisting on $30 billion for a national testing plan. They argue that individual states are not equipped to provide the widespread testing needed, and the federal government should have more control over the medical equipment supply chain to avoid relying on other countries.
That spending ask comes on top of additional money from the three previous rescue packages that was allocated toward testing, including federal dollars for a coronavirus vaccine and provisions that ordered insurers cover the cost of tests for their customers, while Medicaid would fill in for the uninsured. The most recent spending package included $150 billion to assist hospitals and providers, some of which is intended for more testing. The package also included $4.3 billion for federal, state and local public health agencies responding to the virus.
“We’re testing right now about 150,000 tests a day in the United States and experts tell us we should be looking at at least 500,000 a day in order to know who is well and safe to go back to work, and who needs to be quarantined,” said Sen. Debbie Stabenow (D-Mich.). “Our federal government needs to play the lead.”
Republicans, however, argue that private companies are best suited to find an innovative solution to the testing debacle, not the federal government. In addition, they say Congress already spent money on testing in the previous spending packages and should see the results before spending more. Meanwhile, Trump said Friday that governors are responsible for testing.
“The key is going to be: How fast actually can the private sector ramp up testing?” said Sen. Rick Scott (R-Fla.). “It's not going to be the government doing it. It's the private sector doing it. They're the ones that do this well. And so how fast can they ramp it up?”
But working with the federal government is also inevitable. Sen. Pat Toomey (R-Pa.) said that while hospitals in Pennsylvania are capable of developing their own test kits, they still need material from the Centers for Disease Control to develop tests.
Moreover, the GOP argues regulations have hindered the production of tests. Sen. Lamar Alexander (R-Tenn.), who is pushing a Manhattan Project-style effort to expand testing, said that if Trump is being blamed for the slow-footed testing response, then so should Congress.
“The major reason we don’t have enough tests is because Congress and the Food and Drug Administration have restricted development of tests by everyone except the Centers for Disease Control,” he said. “Let’s just say that’s everybody’s fault.”
But Democrats squarely blame Trump for a botched testing rollout earlier this year and a slower ramp-up than other countries like Germany, which is beginning to reopen its economy in part on the strength of its testing regime.
The White House on Thursday rolled out its own vision for reopening parts of the country in three phases. The guidelines, however, don’t include a wide-scale plan for testing.
Nevertheless, Alexander’s advocacy for dramatically expanding testing may be rubbing off on some of his Republican colleagues. Sen. John Thune (R-S.D.) said that Alexander's internal lobbying to raise the issue of testing made an impression with him.
“The question everybody’s going to be asking is: What’s an acceptable level of risk? And we’re not going to know that until we figure out who has it and who doesn’t,” Thune said. “This testing issue has got to get solved. .. We ought to be putting a lot of resources on that because lord knows we’re spending on a lot of money on other stuff.”
Senators, television hosts, and prominent Democratic leaders are blaming President Trump for mishandling the spread of the virus that has taken the world to its knees.
Presidential nominee Joe Biden is among the group, appearing on CNN with Host Anderson Cooper, claiming Trump’s plan to ease back into normal life doesn’t have “hard guidelines.” As the former Vice President embarks on what one can assume was supposed to be an example of previous leadership, he loses grip of the topic as he speaks.
Watch Joe Biden try to describe the poignant moment in American History during WWII… when President Roosevelt “came up with a thing.”
"I wouldn't call it a plan," says Democratic presidential candidate Joe Biden, responding to Pres. Trump's plan to reopen the American economy. "…He's kind of punted. He's decided that he doesn't have the right to make the call for the country." #CNNTownHall pic.twitter.com/KqwBt9jwQv
— Anderson Cooper 360° (@AC360) April 17, 2020
It’s easy to criticize from the sidelines Joe.
Senator Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), just to give insight into his modus operandi, attended the State of the Union address given by President Trump back in February, then swiftly put out a statement (that reeked of prior-planning) on the same day as the address, about how much he regretted attending the State of the Union Address.
.@ChrisMurphyCT's statement on the State of the Union is pretty remarkable. "I regret attending" pic.twitter.com/qtnzCgPQWR
— Ben Jacobs (@Bencjacobs) February 5, 2020
In order to get attention from leftist media outlets, Democrat Chris Murphy will take every opportunity to attack President Trump.
But during this time, when Senators and leaders should not be politicizing the virus, Chris Murphy has lashed out yet again against Trump. His Twitter page looks like an anti-Trump rally on steroids.
Here’s Chris Murphy on CNN with Host Anderson Cooper:
“I walked out of that closed-door briefing just with chills running down my spine… It was just shocking how cavalier the administration was.”
Democratic Sen. Chris Murphy describes a WH briefing on coronavirus he attended back in February. https://t.co/kksZA8nnp3 pic.twitter.com/z2WzmrR5Zd
— Anderson Cooper 360° (@AC360) April 15, 2020
Murphy, arguably the most shameless liar on the anti-Trump stage, claims the current administration was cavalier about the virus in February. Anyone can leave a meeting and make up a lie, but perhaps he should consider that on January 31st, Trump decided to restrict travel from China, showing early signs of concern.
And guess what Senator Murphy was talking about on January 31st, the day the President decided to limit travel from China because of the coronavirus? You guessed it, he was focused on impeaching the President.
"Alexander is saying, 'I believe that this corruption happened, I believe that the President bullied a foreign power into interfering in our elections, and I just don't care'… that scares me to death."@ChrisMurphyCT on Sen. Alexander voting against impeachment witnesses. pic.twitter.com/QL5tNzukSV
— Anderson Cooper 360° (@AC360) February 1, 2020
Chris “Say Anything” Murphy has proved ad nauseam that he would all but dive in front of a bus to get national media attention. Actually, he likes to board city buses as part of an ill-advised campaign to connect with voters.
Hopped on the bus in New Haven to hear from commuters and people in the community about what they want me to be doing in Washington. pic.twitter.com/yTOPBLWXjT
— Chris Murphy (@ChrisMurphyCT) October 30, 2018
Chris Murphy using public transportation doesn’t prove that he cares about blue collar Americans – just like his bashing the American President doesn’t mean he knows about the origins or complications surrounding the coronavirus outbreak.
More reporting is coming out by the day about how China has mishandled the outbreak. How China allowed international travel from Wuhan, but would not allow travel from Wuhan to other parts of China. New sources say that China knew early on about human to human transmission of the coronavirus and hid this information from other nations, who otherwise would have been more equipped to protect their own citizens.
Geraldo Rivera on Fox News told primetime Host Sean Hannity on Friday that China has “made prostitutes out of half of Washington.”
Senator Chris Murphy is silent about investigations into the Chinese Communist Party, but eager to manipulate the public into thinking the American response is the problem.
Maybe Elizabeth Warren can help Chris Murphy connect with everyday Americans and grab him one of those elusive ‘working class beer bottles’ from her fridge.
"I'm gonna get me a beer": Sen. Elizabeth Warren drank a beer on Instagram Live – and it received mixed reactions. https://t.co/0LT6dtXXBH pic.twitter.com/NtNqJ0VddZ
— CBS News (@CBSNews) January 2, 2019
Then they can get on a Zoom call with Speaker Pelosi and pick ice cream flavors out of the freezer.
Nancy Pelosi stays true to form during this crisis and blames Trump for mishandling the pandemic. Lacking self-awareness as always, Pelosi blames Trump for “dismantling” our infrastructure which led to a lack of preparedness, then continues to assert that weak people blame others. Look in the mirror, Nancy.
The truth is a weak person, a poor leader, takes no responsibility. A weak person blames others.
— Nancy Pelosi (@SpeakerPelosi) April 15, 2020
Now more than ever, we need the truth. And the truth is that Donald Trump dismantled the infrastructure handed to him which was meant to plan for and overcome a pandemic, resulting in unnecessary deaths and economic disaster.
— Nancy Pelosi (@SpeakerPelosi) April 15, 2020
While Trump was working on protecting our borders from COVID-19, Nancy Pelosi was frothing over impeachment. Wasting our time is what these prominent Democrats are doing, relentlessly since 2016.
Of course, no world event has been properly examined until it’s run through the panel on ABC’s daytime talk show, The View.
Joy Behar, co-host of ‘The View’ tried to blame the President for not acting to fight the virus appropriately, with her usual condescension, beginning her question to Senator Lindsey Graham (R – S.C.) by inferring Trump’s “massive ego” makes him delusional, until Graham gives her a run for her money in support of the President’s handling of the virus.
Sen. Lindsey Graham says “the key to me is testing” for COVID-19: “I can’t really blame the president, but we are struggling with testing at a large scale. You really can’t go back to work until we have more tests.” https://t.co/f8u2wbJuik pic.twitter.com/7GusfqQiPL
— The View (@TheView) April 16, 2020
MSNBC Anchor Stephanie Ruhle suggested that Biden should open up a shadow government, as “counter-programming” for Trump’s Press Briefings.
What exactly would a counter-programming campaign from Joe Biden look like? The man couldn’t get through a teleprompter reading of “See Spot Run.”
WATCH: Joe Biden can't remember what he was saying. pic.twitter.com/kGiDhKtMpA
— Trump War Room – Text TRUMP to 88022 (@TrumpWarRoom) April 16, 2020
These Democrats need to drop their agenda-driven misinformation campaigns at the door and do their jobs. Americans need information and guidance, not political war.
But if that’s what they want, they’re fighting the wrong administration.
This piece was written by Robyn Kenney on April 18, 2020. It originally appeared in LifeZette and is used by permission.
Read more at LifeZette:
Bombshell: U.S. Intel says Obama gave millions of dollars to Wuhan lab that produced coronavirus
Florida doctors rip down elderly man’s Trump flag – End up getting arrested
Lindsey Graham humiliates Joy Behar on her own show
The post Democrats And TV Hosts Blaming Trump, Not China, For Pandemic Are Spreading Misinformation And Creating Division appeared first on The Political Insider.