Sen. Bill Cassidy, R-La., has condemned the Department of Health and Human Services' move to shift funding away from mRNA vaccine development, claiming it undermines President Donald Trump's agenda to make the nation healthy again.
"We reviewed the science, listened to the experts, and acted," Department of Health and Human Services Sec. Robert F. Kennedy Jr. said, according to an HHS press release.
"BARDA is terminating 22 mRNA vaccine development investments because the data show these vaccines fail to protect effectively against upper respiratory infections like COVID and flu. We’re shifting that funding toward safer, broader vaccine platforms that remain effective even as viruses mutate."
"It is unfortunate that the Secretary just canceled a half a billion worth of work, wasting the money which is already invested. He has also conceded to China an important technology needed to combat cancer and infectious disease. President Trump wants to Make America Healthy Again and Make America Great Again. This works against both of President Trump’s goals," the lawmaker said in a post on X.
The HHS stated, "While some final-stage contracts (e.g., Arcturus and Amplitude) will be allowed to run their course to preserve prior taxpayer investment, no new mRNA-based projects will be initiated. HHS has also instructed its partner, Global Health Investment Corporation (GHIC), which manages BARDA Ventures, to cease all mRNA-based equity investments. In total, this affects 22 projects worth nearly $500 million. Other uses of mRNA technology within the department are not impacted by this announcement."
Fox News Digital reached out to Cassidy's office to request comment from the senator on Thursday, but did not receive a response by the time of publication.
Cassidy, who has served in the upper chamber since 2015, is aiming to get re-elected in 2026, though the incumbent faces competition from other Republicans who have also launched bids for the Senate seat.
In February 2021, Cassidy voted to convict Trump after the House impeachment in the wake of the January 6 episode at the U.S. Capitol. That Senate vote, which occurred after Trump had already left office, ultimately fell short of the threshold necessary to convict.
Following reports that former presidential candidate Beto O'Rourke's nonprofit Powered by People was helping fund Texas state Democrats' exodus out of the state to halt Republican redistricting efforts, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton Wednesday announced he would be launching an investigation into the matter.
Texas House Democrats fled the state this week in an attempt to stop Republican efforts to redraw the state's congressional maps. As a result, Texas House Republicans authorized civil arrest warrants for the absent lawmakers for depriving the House chamber of its ability to conduct official business. Meanwhile, Governor Greg Abbott subsequently called on the Texas Department of Public Safety to help arrest them. The civil arrest warrants, however, are only enforceable within state lines, and it is unclear how they will be executed.
Meanwhile, amid the partisan battle, a report from The Texas Tribune on Tuesday claimed that O'Rourke's nonprofit founded in 2019 called Powered by People was among one of the main groups funding air transport, lodging, logistical support, and helping with the $500-per-day fines for the absent state lawmakers, citing anonymous sources involved with the fundraising efforts.
The report followed a warning issued by Abbott, indicating the fleeing state lawmakers could potentially be in felonious territory if they solicit, accept or agree to accept funds "to assist in the violation of legislative duties or for purposes of skipping a vote."
"Any Democrat coward breaking the law by taking a Beto Bribe will be held accountable," Paxton said in a press release announcing the probe Wednesday. "Texas cannot be bought."
In Paxton's announcement, he charged Powered by People with being one of the "top groups" providing financial assistance to Texas House Democrats who have left the state in order to obstruct Republicans' redistricting efforts, which they claim is essential to ensure racial gerrymandering is not taking place.
According to Paxton, the financial assistance could amount to a violation of Texas bribery laws and potentially other laws governing campaign finance, "coercion of a public servant, and abuse of office."
In response to the investigation, O'Rourke described Republicans in Texas as "thugs" attempting to "steal our country," and accused Paxton of bribery himself. In 2023, the Texas state Senate acquitted Paxton of 16 articles of impeachment accusing Paxton of corruption and bribery.
"The guy impeached for bribery is going after the folks trying to stop the theft of five Congressional seats," O'Rourke said in a statement to Fox News Digital. "I encourage everyone to text FIGHT to 20377. Let’s stop these thugs before they steal our country."
Paxton is demanding documents and communications from Powered by People regarding the "potentially unlawful activity," noting he is not afraid to take "aggressive legal action" against the Democrats who have obstructed legislative proceedings in Texas.
The Texas Tribune's report said that O'Rourke has been "working the phones" to encourage Texas lawmakers to leave the state to block the GOP's legislative efforts, citing an individual familiar with the discussions.
Powered by People is also actively soliciting donations on its website to support the Democratic effort, promising potential donors that "100% of your donation will go to supporting Texas Democrats in their fight against Trump's power grab."
Meanwhile, the outlet reported that, in 2021, O'Rourke's group Powered by People reportedly helped raise $600,000 to help fund Texas House Democrats stay in the nation's capital as they tried a similar tactic at the time to obstruct Republican reforms of Texas state election laws.
During a CNN interview Wednesday, O'Rourke was asked point-blank why he was helping Democrats flee Texas.
"We could see a similar scenario this time around. Is it worth it?" CNN anchor Pamela Brown asked in reference to O'Rourke's 2021 efforts to obstruct Texas legislative proceedings.
"Absolutely," O’Rourke responded. "If we fail, the consolidation of authoritarian power in America will be nearly unstoppable."
But Brown challenged O’Rourke on whether the funds might be "better spent" aiding vulnerable Texans instead.
"We've seen it in the past—they flee, but then inevitably they have to come back, right? You can't just stay out in perpetuity, and the governor can continue to call these special sessions," Brown said. "Do you think the money could be better spent helping those folks you mentioned?"
"I actually believe that they can stay out long enough to stop this steal in Texas," O'Rourke responded.
Three Democratic New York City federal lawmakers attempted to gain entry to the Metropolitan Detention Center (MDC) in Brooklyn, where as many as 100 illegal immigrants are being held, according to one state lawmaker.
Images posted Wednesday by the New York Immigration Coalition (NYIC) showed Reps. Adriano Espaillat, Nydia Velazquez and Daniel Goldman walking toward the MDC with the Gowanus Expressway in the background.
The NYIC said the lawmakers had been refused entry to the prison, which has a history of high-profile inmates, including currently Sean "P. Diddy" Combs and Luigi Mangione, and formerly ex-Trump attorney Michael Cohen and MSNBC host Al Sharpton after he was arrested for trespassing on a Puerto Rican bombing range in 2001.
"Masked agents refused [the lawmakers’] oversight access to Sunset Park [MDC] and have now trapped them between a fence and the facility," NYIC tweeted.
McIver had been joined by several other lawmakers, including Rep. Robert Menendez Jr., D-N.J., son of the former senator, who is currently imprisoned separately on bribery charges.
Reps. Kweisi Mfume, Sarah Elfreth, Johnny Olzewski Jr. and Sens. Chris Van Hollen and Angela Alsobrooks, D-Md., were all similarly rebuffed at a Baltimore ICE office where a handful of detained immigrants were reportedly being held.
ICE said at the time that the building, near Charles Center in the city’s downtown, is not a true holding facility and only a processing center.
In the Brooklyn case, New York Democrats have railed against ICE for some time for their use of the jail as a detention facility for illegal immigrants.
State Sen. Andrew Gounardes, D-Bay Ridge, said in July that MDC Brooklyn recently began holding more than 100 detainees and claimed that many have no criminal records.
"ICE is disappearing immigrants, many of whom have no criminal records, into a jail that a judge called ‘contemptuous of human life and dignity.’ That should appall all of us," Gounardes said in a statement.
"This isn’t about public safety—it’s a show of force meant to instill fear in our communities and keep immigrants in the shadows. It’s incredibly dangerous, disturbing and un-American. It must end now."
Prior to his visit Wednesday, Goldman – who served as Sen. Adam Schiff’s, D-Calif., lead attorney in the congressional impeachment proceedings against President Donald Trump – lambasted the president for his administration’s decision to utilize the MDC.
"Rather than continuing the Biden administration’s efforts to boost staffing and reduce lockdowns at the MDC, the Trump administration has reversed those improvements and is now further overloading an already unsafe and understaffed facility with dozens of immigrants with no criminal history," Goldman said.
According to ICE’s Office of Congressional Relations website, members of Congress need only submit a request via email at least seven days in advance of their desired visit.
A Department of Homeland Security spokesperson explained to Fox News Digital that the seven-day requirement is meant to "prevent interference with the President’s Article II authority to oversee executive department functions."
The spokesperson also noted that "ICE law enforcement has seen a surge in assaults of 830%, as well as disruptions and obstructions to enforcement, including by politicians themselves," in an apparent reference to McIver.
Fox News Digital’s Peter Pinedo contributed to this report.
To win President Donald Trump’s endorsement amid a rough GOP Senate primary, Texas Attorney General Ken Paxton did what most of us would be too embarrassed to do: He stalked Trump.
CNN reports that Paxton made an unannounced visit to Trump’s golf resort in Turnberry, Scotland, last month, where he just happened to bump into the president. It’s unclear if Trump was expecting the pop-in, though they reportedly spoke about the primary, where Paxton is challenging incumbent John Cornyn from the right.
It’s not the only time Paxton has gone out of his way to win Trump over. Earlier this summer, a pro-Paxton political action committee aired its first TV ad in Palm Beach, Florida—right where Trump could see it from Mar-a-Lago—and far from Texas.
It’s the kind of pandering and political theater Trump has come to expect. In today’s GOP, making another man the centerpiece of your brand is seen as a strategic move, not an embarrassing one. Paxton flew 4,500 miles just to kiss the ring.
Republican Sen. John Cornyn of Texas, shown in January.
But Paxton’s gotta do what he’s gotta do to win this messy primary. And with Rep. Wesley Hunt eyeing a run, it could get even more volatile. But despite his cross-continental pilgrimage, Paxton has nothing to show for it. Trump hasn’t endorsed anyone, and sources close to the president say he’s holding back for now. He’s got time too: The primary isn’t until March.
Cornyn and Paxton, longtime rivals, are now in what’s becoming one of the marquee Republican showdowns of the 2026 midterm cycle. The two have never been allies. Cornyn has long viewed Paxton as a scandal magnet and legal risk, while Paxton paints Cornyn as a swampy moderate out of step with the MAGA base. The animosity runs deep, fueling an increasingly sycophantic race to win Trump’s favor.
Paxton might have the upper hand with the GOP grassroots—at least for now. Numerous public and private polls show him leading Cornyn in the primary. But he also carries baggage. He’s in the middle of a high-profile divorce after his wife accused him of adultery, a saga that could turn voters off as it becomes more public. He was also impeached by the Texas House in 2023 on charges of abusing his office to benefit a political donor—though he was later acquitted by the Senate.
Then there’s Paxton’s role in enforcing Texas’s near-total abortion ban. In March, his office filed the state’s first criminal charges under the law, arresting a Houston-area midwife and one of her employees. While that may appeal to hard-line conservatives, it could alienate suburban voters who have trended away from the GOP in recent years.
Trump’s team is watching the race closely, according to CNN, since the outcome could influence control of the Senate in 2026. With Republicans bracing for a possible loss of their House majority—despite aggressive gerrymandering—their Senate majority takes on increased importance. A flawed nominee like Paxton could give Democrats a shot in flipping the seat next November.
“Winning is all that matters to the president,” an anonymous Republican strategist close to the White House told CNN. They also emphasized that loyalty isn’t the key to unlock Trump’s endorsement—it’s supposedly electability.
Republican Rep. Wesley Hunt of Texas, shown in 2023.
That’s why Cornyn may still have a chance. He’s a seasoned fundraiser, aligned with Senate leadership, and has never lost a statewide race. While Trump’s style may seem more compatible with Paxton, a messy general election in a state slowly turning purple might make Cornyn the safer choice.
There’s also the wildcard of Hunt, who could split the pro-Trump vote. A Black Iraq War veteran with ties to both MAGA activists and the GOP establishment, Hunt could force Trump to pick sides sooner than planned—or decide not to endorse at all. Hunt’s entry would only escalate the scramble for Trump's backing.
Still, Paxton leads most polls of the primary, and if he wins, it’ll likely boost Democrats’ chances of flipping the seat. Former Rep. Colin Allred has announced his campaign, and there are whispers that state Rep. James Talarico might join him in the primary. Texas has long been a white whale for Democrats—tantalizingly close in some cycles but always just out of reach. They believe a damaged GOP nominee like Paxton could tip the scales.
That’s exactly what national Republicans want to avoid. Senate Majority Leader John Thune and others have endorsed Cornyn, worried that nominating Paxton could jeopardize the seat—and the Senate majority.
Meanwhile, Trump is in no rush. As Texas Republicans trip over themselves to prove who's more loyal, he’s sitting back and soaking it in—relishing the spectacle of grown men groveling for his approval.
Republican Nate Morris had deftly warmed up a crowd of party faithful, gushing about President Donald Trump and recounting his own life’s journey — from hardscrabble childhood to wealthy entrepreneur — when he turned his attention to the man he wants to replace, Sen. Mitch McConnell.
That's when things got feisty. While bashing Kentucky's longest-serving senator at a GOP dinner on the eve of Saturday's Fancy Farm picnic, a tradition-laden stop on the state's political circuit, Morris was cut off in midsentence by a party activist in the crowd, who noted that McConnell isn't seeking reelection and pointedly asked Morris: “What are you running on?”
Morris touted his hard line stance on immigration and defended Trump's tariffs as a boon for American manufacturing. But he didn't retreat from his harsh critique of McConnell.
“We’ve seen 40 years of doing it the same way," Morris said. "And, yes, he’s not on the ballot, but his legacy is on the ballot. Do you want 40 more years of that? I don’t think you do.”
McConnell's blunt-force approach used against him
The pushback from a county GOP chairman revealed the political risks of attacking the 83-year-old McConnell in the twilight of his career. Towering over Kentucky politics for decades, McConnell is regarded as the master strategist behind the GOP's rise to power in a state long dominated by Democrats. The state Republican headquarters bears McConnell's name. As the longest-serving Senate party leader in U.S. history, McConnell guided Republican policymaking and helped forge a conservative Supreme Court. Back home, his appropriating skills showered Kentucky with federal funding.
Now, his blunt-force style of campaigning — which undercut so many foes — is being used against him.
Morris is running against two other prominent Republicans — U.S. Rep. Andy Barr and former state Attorney General Daniel Cameron — for McConnell's seat. The outcome will be decided in the spring primary next year. Kentucky hasn’t elected a Democrat to the Senate since Wendell Ford in 1992.
All three Republican hopefuls lavish praise on Trump — in hopes of landing his endorsement — but also have ties to McConnell, who mentored generations of aspirational Republicans. Cameron and Barr have chided McConnell at times, but it's been mild compared to Morris' attacks. Morris interned for McConnell but glosses over that connection.
McConnell pushes back
Mitch McConnell and his wife, Elaine Chao, acknowledge applause at the annual Fancy Farm picnic on Aug. 2 in Fancy Farm, Ky.
At events surrounding the Fancy Farm picnic, an event long known for caustic zingers that he has always relished, McConnell showed no sign of backing down.
“Surely this isn’t true, but I’ve heard that one of the candidates running for my office wants to be different,” McConnell told a Republican crowd that included Morris at a pre-picnic breakfast in Mayfield. “Now, I’m wondering how you’d want to be different from the longest-serving Senate leader in American history. I’m wondering how you’d want to be different in supporting President Trump.”
McConnell received multiple standing ovations. Morris stayed seated.
McConnell has consistently voted for Trump's policies more often than Kentucky's other Republican senator, Rand Paul, according to a Congressional Quarterly voting analysis. McConnell recently supported Trump's signature tax and spending measure. Paul opposed it, saying it would drive up debt.
McConnell teamed with Trump to put conservatives on the federal bench and pass tax cuts during the president's first term. McConnell also guided the Senate — and Trump — through two impeachment trials that ended in acquittals. But the relationship was severed after McConnell blamed Trump for “disgraceful” acts in the Jan. 6, 2021, Capitol attack by Trump's supporters.
Morris, who started a waste management technology company, says the senator has been insufficiently loyal to Trump and allowed festering issues like immigration and the national debt to grow worse during his years in Senate leadership.
Morris wants to tether his opponents to McConnell while running on anti-establishment themes that his campaign thinks will appeal to legions of Trump supporters in the Bluegrass State.
Nate Morris speaks at the annual Fancy Farm picnic on Aug. 2 in Fancy Farm, Ky.
“Let’s face it, folks, career politicians have run this country off a cliff,” Morris said.
Morris' rivals sum up the anti-McConnell attacks as an angry, backward-looking message. Cameron called it a diversionary tactic to obscure what he said is Morris' lack of both a message and credibility as a supporter of Trump's MAGA movement.
"He can’t talk about his actual record. So he has to choose to pick on an 83-year-old,” Cameron said.
At Fancy Farm, where candidates hurl insults at one another against a backdrop of bingo games and barbecue feasts, Morris took a swipe at McConnell's health.
“I have a serious question: who here can honestly tell me that it’s a good thing to have a senior citizen who freezes on national television during his press conferences as our U.S. senator?” Morris said. "It seems, to me, maybe just maybe, Mitch’s time to leave the Senate was a long time ago."
McConnell had his customary front-row seat for much of the event but wasn't there for Morris' remarks. He typically leaves before all the speeches are delivered and exited before his would-be successors spoke.
Living by the sword
McConnell complimented Trump in his speech, singling out Trump's bombing of Iranian nuclear sites.
“He turned Iran's nuclear program into a pile of rocks,” McConnell, a steadfast advocate for a muscular U.S. foreign policy, said to cheers.
At the GOP dinner the night before in Calvert City, where candidates typically are more politely received, party activist Frank Amaro confronted Morris for his anti-McConnell barrage.
“He keeps bashing Mitch McConnell like he’s running against Mitch McConnell,” Amaro, a county Republican chairman, said afterward. “Overall, he’s helped Kentucky and the United States, especially our Supreme Court, more than any other U.S. senator in this country.”
But Morris' blistering assessment of McConnell hit the mark with Trump supporter Patrick Marion, who applied the dreaded Republican-in-Name-Only label to McConnell.
“Personally, I think Mitch has been a RINO for way too long,” Marion said later. “I don't think he was a true MAGA supporter of President Trump.”
Afterward, Morris was in no mood to back off.
“He’s the nastiest politician maybe in the history of this state if not in the history of this country,” Morris said of McConnell. "Look, you live by the sword, you die by the sword.”
Rep. Nancy Mace of South Carolina, one of the most hateful Republicans in Congress, just announced her campaign for governor of South Carolina in 2026.
In a video posted to social media Monday, Mace strongly aligned herself with President Donald Trump, despite once being one of his most vocal critics. The clip includes footage of Trump calling her a “fighter.”
Not long ago, that might have seemed impossible. After Trump supporters attacked the U.S. Capitol on Jan. 6, 2021, Mace criticized Trump, saying, “I hold him accountable for the events that transpired.” One day after barricading her office, she told The State newspaper, “I can’t condone the rhetoric from yesterday, where people died and all the violence.”
Her former staffers say her behind-the-scenes reaction was even more theatrical. According to The Washington Post, Mace considered filming herself confronting the insurrectionists so that she could get punched and go viral as one of the fiercest anti-Trump Republicans. Her team talked her out of it. When asked about the story later, she deflected: “What you write doesn’t pass for real journalism.”
Despite her supposed outrage, Mace never voted to impeach Trump and soon stopped trying to distance herself from him. Trump repaid her wobbliness by endorsing a primary challenger in 2022—Katie Arrington—but Mace survived. By the next year, she’d morphed into one of his staunchest defenders.
Republican Rep. Nancy Mace of South Carolina, left, greets President Donald Trump as he arrives to address a joint session of Congress at the Capitol on March 4.
If that sounds like a political transformation, it wasn’t. Mace hasn’t changed; she’s just adjusted her approach. Her brand is whatever keeps her relevant. In 2023, she called herself “pro-transgender rights.” A year later, she introduced a resolution to ban trans women from using women’s restrooms at the Capitol—targeting incoming Democratic Rep. Sarah McBride, the first openly trans member of Congress. She also promoted broader legislation affecting all federal buildings and schools.
She has kept up this momentum into 2025. During a House Oversight Committee meeting in January, Mace tried to corner former Democratic Gov. Martin O’Malley of Maryland with a question about defining a “woman.” It failed. The next month, she used an anti-trans slur during another hearing, and when the late Rep. Gerry Connolly called her out, she declared, “I don’t really care.” In November, according to Newsweek, she tweeted about bathrooms 326 times over 72 hours, a few days after McBride’s election victory.
But Mace isn’t just running on culture-war issues. In February, she stunned the House by accusing her ex-fiancé of rape, assault, and sex trafficking—naming him and other alleged abusers during a speech. She also directly criticized South Carolina Attorney General Alan Wilson, accusing him of slow-walking the investigation. Wilson, now a GOP primary rival, announced his bid for governor in June.
The Republican field also includes Lt. Gov. Pamela Evette and Rep. Ralph Norman, one of the most right-wing members of the House. Gov. Henry McMaster is term-limited and will not run again.
At 47, Mace has been preparing for this moment for years. She first gained attention in 1999 as the first female cadet to graduate from Charleston’s Citadel military academy. In 2014, she ran a long-shot Senate campaign against Lindsey Graham, earning just 6%. She didn’t win, but she made herself known.
Trump later hired her to boost his 2016 South Carolina primary effort—at a time when few Republicans wanted to be seen with him. After a brief stint in the state legislature, she flipped a Democratic-held congressional seat in 2020.
Since then, Mace has cynically reinvented herself several times. She’s aligned with Trump, broken away from him, then rejoined when it suited her. She’s called herself a centrist on some topics, then embraced the far right. Throughout, she has prioritized her own interests.
Recent polls suggest she might enter the primary with a slight advantage, but there is no clear front-runner yet. With 2026 likely to be a challenging cycle for Republicans, this race could offer an early glimpse of what the post-Trump GOP will look like in the South—if that exists at all.
The Smithsonian said that it would update an exhibit at the National Museum of American History to reflect all impeachment proceedings in U.S. history after a placard was removed last month.
If you’re planning a trip to the Smithsonian’s National Museum of American History, make sure to check out “The American Presidency: A Glorious Burden,” which will teach you about all the presidents who were impeached or resigned in lieu of impeachment. So there’s Andrew Johnson, Richard Nixon, Bill Clinton, and … huh, that’s it.
Yes, if you look for information on President Donald Trump’s two first-term impeachments, you won’t find it in this exhibit. The Smithsonian removed them in July.
The renowned museum told NPR it would put them back one day. Sometime in the future. It wouldn’t share a timeline.
It happened. Twice.
Until that day, if it ever comes, the Smithsonian is a part of Trump’s rewriting of history, one that treats his presidency like an unvarnished success, a testament to the greatness of the man himself.
Though the administration very likely forced this removal, the Smithsonian spokesperson is still obliged to pretend this is just a normal thing, no big deal, just regular museum stuff where you have to roll back history 18 years, you know?
“Because the other topics in this section had not been updated since 2008, the decision was made to restore the Impeachment case back to its 2008 appearance,” the museum said in a statement.
You see, they can’t include Trump’s impeachments because it’s just so much work to update things, per the administration’s statement to NPR: “A large permanent gallery like The American Presidency that opened in 2000, requires [a] significant amount of time and funding to update and renew. A future and updated exhibit will include all impeachments.”
That explanation might be a little less transparently bullshit if Trump’s twin impeachments hadn’t been included in the exhibit since September 2021.
If you ask the White House, they will explain to you that this is really all about returning America to its former glory and, of course, eradicating forbidden diversity. Per White House spokesperson Davis Ingle, for too long, the Smithsonian “highlighted divisive DEI exhibits which are out of touch with mainstream America,” and that the White House is “fully supportive of updating displays to highlight American greatness.”
It’s not just that the administration wants to remove negative history about Trump, though that is a driving force. It’s also about wanting the Republican Party, the federal government, and everyone else to display constant fealty to Trump. That’s why you see GOP proposals to put him on the $100 bill and on Mount Rushmore, to rename parts of the Kennedy Center after him and his wife, and to rename the Washington subway system the “Trump Train.”
But it also extends beyond Trump. They want to rewrite American history more broadly so that it panders to those like Trump and his ilk: white, straight, cis, conservative, rich. Vice President JD Vance has been empowered to purge museums of anything that doesn’t align with Trump’s view of American history as an unbroken success story. Trump’s team has demanded that museums and the national parks remove anything that’s supposedly divisive, which broadly translates to things that make white people sad.
It used to feel like saying Trump wanted to memory-hole the history he doesn’t like was a bit of a stretch. These days, though, if anything, it may be an understatement.
The Smithsonian Institution has removed from an exhibit a reference to President Donald Trump's two impeachments, a decision that comes as the White House exerts pressure to offer a more positive — and selective — view of American history. A spokesperson said the exhibit eventually “will include all impeachments.”
The second Donald Trump presidency is horrifyingly destructive, a bunch of end-times enthusiasts ripping the wire out of the walls, but have you considered that it is also persistently frivolous? Take for instance his $200 million ballroom addition to the White House, which he unveiled plans for on Thursday.
If you were wondering if this proposed addition will be a gilded palace as ugly as one of his homes or as his ongoing gold-plating of the Oval Office, the answer is yes: “Renderings provided by the White House depict a vast space with gold and crystal chandeliers, gilded Corinthian columns, a coffered ceiling with gold inlays, gold floor lamps and a checkered marble floor,” says CNN.
Even the rendering provided by the White House screams super-sized Mar-a-Lago ballroom, which is most definitely not a compliment.
An American flag flies in front of the White House on July 23.
Trump really does see himself as a master developer, a very special boy because he—and he alone—can build a ballroom.
“They’ve wanted a ballroom at the White House for more than 150 years, but there’s never been a president that was good at ballrooms,” Trump said on Thursday. “I’m good at building things and we’re going to build quickly and on time. It’ll be beautiful, top, top of the line.”
Truly, that is what the past occupants of the White House have yearned for, an ever-deferred dream that only Trump could fulfill.
Trump keeps saying that the $200 million cost will be borne by himself and private donors, and that it will be his “gift to the country.” The notion that outside donors will pay for this garish thing is supposed to sound better than taxpayer dollars being spent on it, but all it really highlights is this is just another way to bribe the president.
Indeed, Trump has created many opportunities for donors to line his pockets in the hopes of receiving favorable treatment. You could buy his stupid memecoin, which might’ve gotten you invited to a dinner with him. If you’re a media company, you could agree to settle a frivolous lawsuit filed by Trump in his personal capacity, and donate millions to his future presidential library.
Of course, the opportunity to make a teeny, little seven-figure donation to Trump’s inauguration fund in order to possibly avoid regulatory oversight has come and gone, so why not figure out a way to help “donate” to build America’s Ugliest Ballroom?
President Donald Trump speaks in the Roosevelt Room of the White House on July 30.
The fact this is even top of mind right now is ridiculous. Trump has been busy tearing the government down to the studs for months, but now he wants everyone to focus on his alleged ability to create beauty, to transform a space. He doesn’t have that ability, literally or figuratively. What he’s demanding is a hagiography, a rewriting of history that, as prize-winning reporter Jonathan Capehart put it on Thursday, is a funhouse mirror, a pretense at patriotism that is quite the opposite.
“Unapologetic patriotism is incomplete if it doesn't allow for a mirror to be held up to America, her people, and her president—to hold them all accountable when they have strayed from her founding principles,” Capehart said.
The desire to gold-plate the White House, to fritter away time on building projects and the like, highlights how un-serious Trump is. Yes, he’s deeply serious about using the government to destroy everything he hates, but he’s got people for that now—a whole Cabinet full. But he can’t help but fixate on imposing his tacky stamp on the country and forcing us to stare.
It’s the same impulse behind the birthday military parade and apparently pressuring the Smithsonian to remove references to his two impeachments. His need for adulation—and gold leaf, apparently—is bottomless.
