The woman who made history with Nancy Pelosi

Terri McCullough, the first woman to serve in a formal role as chief of staff to a House speaker, worked alongside Pelosi on big policy wins and broke a marble ceiling of her own.

By Grace Panetta, for The 19th

When Terri McCullough was a young college graduate in Northern California in the early 1990s, she knew she wanted to do good in the world somehow — and that she wanted to work for a woman. In 1991, she did just that when she landed an internship in the district office for a relatively new congresswoman representing San Francisco, Nancy Pelosi.

It would mark the start of a decades-long partnership, during which she and Pelosi, now House speaker emerita, would shape public policy around women and LGBTQ+ people. They also made history, expanding the limits of what was possible for women in an arena long dominated by White men.

Pelosi rose through the ranks of the House before shattering the “marble ceiling” and becoming the first and still only woman elected as House speaker. The second time Pelosi took the speaker’s gavel, in 2019, McCullough, too, made history as the first woman to serve as chief of staff to a House speaker in an official, paid capacity.

But now both are moving on. Pelosi, who stepped down from House Democratic leadership in 2022, announced this month that after nearly 40 years in the House, this term in Congress will be her last. McCullough is transitioning to the role of senior adviser for the rest of Pelosi’s term.

Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi stands with members of her staff on the House floor as she announces her decision to step back from Democratic leadership in December 2022, a moment that marked the end of her historic two-decade tenure at the helm of the caucus. (Courtesy of Speaker Emerita Pelosi's office)

“I would work for Nancy Pelosi for the rest of my days if I could,” McCullough told The 19th in an interview. “It’s time to make a change, reluctantly, because I love this work and I love this job so much.”

In an interview with The 19th in her office at the U.S. Capitol, Pelosi brimmed with praise for McCullough. Her legacy on the Hill, Pelosi said, is “one of effectiveness, getting the job done and doing it in a way that advances the cause of policy that's good for women.”

“People really like her, and they know the confidence I have in her and anyone who she worked for would have in her, because we know of her talent, her integrity, her judgment, her confidence she has,” Pelosi said.

Early in her career, McCullough said, she worked on expanding legal services for survivors of domestic violence and promoting global reproductive rights. During Pelosi's first stint as House speaker from 2007 to 2011, McCullough led her personal office and worked on historic and complex legislation like the fight to pass the Affordable Care Act.

She said she learned many lessons from Pelosi — a vaunted legislative and political strategist known for keeping Democrats united during tough fights — on listening and fostering relationships.

“She has a standard of excellence which she demands of herself, so we all demand that of ourselves, too,” McCullough said. “So certainly I thought about that in terms of excelling and doing well in my work. But I definitely thought about excelling and doing well as a woman in my work, because there's still not enough of us in these leadership roles.”

McCullough’s time as Pelosi’s chief aide in her role as speaker from 2019 to 2023 was a tumultuous one that saw two impeachments of a sitting president, the COVID-19 pandemic and the January 6 attack on the Capitol.

“I certainly came into this job as the speaker's chief of staff never anticipating I would need to be a health expert during COVID, I would need to be a security expert after January 6,” McCullough said. “These things, often you don't anticipate, but you meet the need, and you answer the call. And I feel very proud of so much of the work that we have done. And even in the most difficult times, it has been the opportunity of a lifetime.”

Terri McCullough (left) and Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi (right). (Courtesy of Speaker Emerita Pelosi's office)

Democratic lawmakers and aides gave McCullough hugs and well-wishes at a send-off Thursday as they filed into the House chamber. An emotional Rep. Rosa DeLauro of Connecticut, the top House Democratic appropriator and an early mentor to McCullough, was seen dabbing at her eyes. Rep. Dan Goldman of New York beamed as he snapped a selfie. McCullough crossed the aisle — literally — to shake hands and exchange pleasantries with House Speaker Mike Johnson.

When Pelosi took the floor to speak and honor McCullough, whom she called “a visionary, steadfast and deeply respected leader,” the Democratic side of the aisle erupted in a standing ovation.

“She epitomizes, as much as any member of the House, someone who always understood how extraordinary this institution is and how it can transform people's lives,” DeLauro told The 19th. “I worked with her in the last days when the Affordable Care Act was under fire, and it was touch-and-go. And sitting with her, working up our strategy, and working with the speaker — she is equally responsible for helping to get that bill passed.”

Chiefs of staff manage both a lawmaker’s office and their relationships with other members, staff and outside groups. McCullough said the job looks different every day — both “keeping the trains running” and setting an agenda.  

“It's really being a translator, being a motivator, being a leader, but to me, the most gratifying thing is being the support that people need to do their job excellently,” McCullough said.

McCullough “had advancement of women prioritized,” in every policy she touched, Pelosi said.

“When you do a job like this, your priorities move the day,” Pelosi said. “And her priorities were: ‘How do we do this bill or this commission or this committee that we're forming … thinking about the women? It's not always the case around here.”

Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi pays tribute to her departing chief of staff, Terri McCullough, on the House floor on November 20, 2025. (Courtesy of Speaker Emerita Pelosi's office)

McCullough’s instincts and relationships were critical to the passage of many of the big bills passed when Democrats controlled both chambers of Congress in the first two years of President Joe Biden’s term.

“People told her things because they knew she wouldn't betray a confidence, and they also knew she would make good use of what it was,” Pelosi said. “‘What does Terri think?’ was a very important not only question, but a challenge.”

As lawmakers put together the American Rescue Plan in early 2021 to provide relief to Americans during the pandemic, McCullough worked to direct funds to the state and local level, where many community leaders on the front lines of the crisis were women. In legislation boosting infrastructure and domestic manufacturing, she worked to ensure women would be represented in the jobs created in trades and technical industries where they’ve historically been underrepresented.

“I am still, frankly, in awe every day that I have had the opportunity to see and be part of things I could never even have dreamed of, both the glorious and the horrific,” McCullough said. “It’s hard to explain how meaningful it can be to do this work, especially in the dark times.”

One such dark time was when a violent mob of Trump’s supporters ransacked the Capitol on January 6 to thwart Congress’ counting of the electoral votes for Biden’s election victory.  

“One of the proudest moments of my life,” McCullough recalled, was when the National Guard secured the Capitol and lawmakers returned to the Capitol to finish the job of affirming the election results. After Congress completed the count around 4 a.m., she walked back to her apartment to get a couple of hours of sleep before returning to work the next day.

“All of my colleagues and peers came back the next day and kept coming back, because this place mattered so much to them,” she said.

In the aftermath, Pelosi said, she didn’t want to direct the House’s response from the top down. McCullough worked with Jamie Fleet, staff director for the Democrats on the House Administration Committee, on forming the Select Committee on January 6. McCullough reached across the aisle to then-Reps. Liz Cheney and Adam Kinzinger, who were among the few Republicans to speak out against Trump’s attempt to subvert the election.

Cheney, in her 2023 book “Oath and Honor,” credited McCullough and Fleet as “indispensable” to the committee coming together and carrying out its work. Cheney recalled how, on a night when she and a few staffers were working late to finalize the committee’s public report, McCullough came into her Capitol basement hideaway office with midnight snacks.

Terri McCullough (front row, third from left) gathers with members of Speaker Emerita Nancy Pelosi’s staff in 2021. (Courtesy of Speaker Emerita Pelosi's office)

“She knew we’d be there down around the clock, working to meet our deadline,” Cheney wrote. “I looked up from the pages of the report to see that Terri was sporting a ‘Team Cheney’ hoodie. It made me smile. It was a touching symbol of the unprecedented alliance we had formed, beyond partisan politics, to do what had to be done for our country.”

Despite the partisan divisions in Congress and ongoing political violence, the efforts of the January 6 committee were “deeply meaningful,” McCullough said. “I hope history will show how critical that effort was.”

Pelosi spent her career recruiting more women to run for Congress and elevating women to leadership roles on committees. McCullough, too, was a mentor on the staff side.

“She not only is responsible in her job, but she takes responsibility for the opportunity here to make sure that she's not just the first woman … that there will be many others,” Pelosi said.

McCullough said she did feel the pressure and weight of being a first. “But it was a good pressure, and I hope that allows other women to take roles like this and not feel the pressure,” she said.

And women continue to achieve “firsts”: Tasia Jackson, chief of staff to House Minority Leader Hakeem Jeffries, became the first Black woman to serve in that role to a member of House leadership in 2023.

“I have been so proud to have been able to contribute in Speaker Pelosi’s office for the years that I have, and it is my greatest hope that other women feel as passionately as I do about this work, work as hard as I hope that I did and are able to achieve great heights in the House as a result,” McCullough said. “And I hope that they feel that they will love it as much as I have loved my experience here.”

How Trump nominees could make Project 2025 a reality

It starts with Russell Vought, his pick to lead the little-known Office of Management and Budget.

by Amanda Becker, for The 19th

Republican President-elect Donald Trump spent the closing months of his campaign trying to distance himself from a blueprint for his second term known as Project 2025.

Then, in the days after his victory, Trump picked major architects of the Heritage Foundation’s vision for key posts in his next administration, setting the stage for them to implement a conservative Christian agenda that has the potential to reshape the federal government and redefine rights long held by all Americans, though likely to disproportionately impact women, LGBTQ+ people and vulnerable populations like the elderly and disabled.

One of these architects is Russell Vought, whom Trump has again tapped to lead his Office of Management and Budget, or OMB, an under-the-radar entity to most Americans that wields immense influence over the federal government by crafting the president’s budget. If confirmed by the Senate, a very likely outcome, Vought will be optimally positioned to inject Project 2025’s priorities — many of which reflect his career-long push to dismantle programs for low-income Americans and expand the president’s authority — across the federal agencies and departments that OMB oversees.

Ben Olinsky, who advised Democratic former President Barack Obama on labor and workforce policy before joining the liberal-leaning Center for American Progress, where he works on issues related to the economy and governance, said that Vought’s vision for OMB as presented in Project 2025 is “to basically change the plumbing so they can do whatever they want without any meaningful checks and balances” during Trump’s second term.

“I think that it's important to really make sure [Americans] understand what the plans are for changing the plumbing,” Olinsky said.

Vought has firsthand knowledge of the OMB’s wide-ranging scope. During Trump’s first term, he was OMB’s deputy director, acting director and, finally, confirmed director. In those roles, he helped then-President Trump craft a plan to jettison job protections for thousands of federal workers and assisted with a legally ambiguous effort to redirect congressionally appropriated foreign aid for Ukraine.

In the years since, as Trump staved off legal threats and convictions to build a winning bid to return to the White House, Vought has refined his thinking and strategies about how to best force agencies to “come to heel and do what the president has been telling them to do,” as he put it in a recent interview.

Vought has used two pro-Trump groups he founded — the nonprofit Center for Renewing America and its advocacy arm, America Restoration Action — to discredit structural racism as a driver for inequality and attempt to stymie diversity, equity and inclusion (DEI) efforts. In August, he told a pair of British journalists posing as potential donors that the Center for Renewing America is “an organization I helped turn into the Death Star,” the fictional Star Wars space station that can destroy planets, and it “is accomplishing all of the debates you are reading about.”

The chapter that Vought wrote for Project 2025 details how the Office of Management and Budget could be a vehicle to advance the Christian nationalist agenda he favors — and he has not hesitated to talk about it.

Acting Office of Management and Budget director Russ Vought speaks during the daily press briefing at the White House in March 2019.

“I think you have to rehabilitate Christian nationalism,” Vought told the British journalists at the Centre for Climate Reporting, which released video of the conversation that was recorded using hidden cameras.

In an interview with conservative activist Tucker Carlson shortly after Trump’s reelection, Vought likened OMB to the “nerve center” through which a president can ensure their policy directives trickle down to the multitude of federal agencies and a civilian workforce of more than two million people.

“Properly understood, [OMB] is a President’s air-traffic control system with the ability and charge to ensure that all policy initiatives are flying in sync and with the authority to let planes take off and, at times, ground planes that are flying off course,” Vought wrote in Project 2025.

He sees two primary ways to ground wayward planes: by eliminating potential dissent within agencies and withholding money appropriated by Congress for projects and programs the president does not support.

Both would clear the way for Trump’s next administration to implement many of the priorities detailed in Project 2025, which could essentially redefine rights, systems and cultural norms for all Americans.

Some of Project 2025’s recommendations include restricting abortion access and supporting a “biblically based” definition of family, because the “male-female dyad is essential to human nature,” by replacing policies related to LGBTQ+ equity with those that “support the formation of stable, married, nuclear families.”

It also suggests transforming the FBI into a politically motivated entity to settle scores and barring U.S. citizens from receiving federal housing assistance if they live with anyone who is not a citizen or permanent legal resident, which would serve Trump’s campaign promise to take extraordinary measures to crack down on illegal immigration. During remarks in September titled “Theology of America’s Statecraft: The Case for Immigration Restriction,” Vought justified the separation of families and condemned so-called sanctuary cities, or those that pass laws that limit their cooperation with federal immigration authorities. “Failing to secure the border is a complete abdication of [the government’s] God-given responsibility,” he said.

Olinsky explained that while many of the policies in Project 2025 have been floating around Republican circles in Washington for years without gaining much traction, the document is a detailed roadmap that shows how its authors believe they can finally deliver on key pieces of their conservative Christian agenda.

“One, it says all of the quiet parts out loud about the full scope of the agenda. And then the second thing, which I think is something folks should really pay attention to, is it says how they're going to accomplish it, practically, by using executive action,” Olinsky said.

In many ways, Vought’s approach to bending the federal government to a president’s will began taking shape during Trump’s first administration. In late 2020, as Trump’s first term drew to a close, Vought helped him craft an executive order known as “Schedule F,” which reclassified thousands of civil servants and, with that, stripped them of their job protections; Vought recommended that close to 90 percent of OMB’s workforce be reclassified.

President Joe Biden rescinded the executive order on his third day in office. Project 2025 recommends reinstating it.

Former Trump officials, campaign advisers and others in his orbit have already identified as many as 50,000 federal employees who could be fired, according to published reports. And just last month, Senate Republicans blocked a Democratic effort to codify protections for these workers ahead of Trump’s — and likely Vought’s — return.

Sen. Tim Kaine of Virginia, a Democrat who sponsored the legislation to protect federal employees, warned of a “loyalty-based system that would impede the work of the federal government, expose people to intimidation and bring people into jobs that are not qualified to do them, thus risking the American public’s safety and quality of life.”

Vought is among the Trump loyalists who have been open about their desire to slash the federal workforce — as a route to purge critics, improve efficiency or both.

In the interview with Carlson, Vought said, “There certainly is going to be mass layoffs and firings, particularly at some of the agencies that we don’t even think should exist.” His language appeared to communicate an effort to ensure obedience and compliance. With the firings and layoffs, Vought said he wants to avoid having “really awesome Cabinet secretaries sitting on top of massive bureaucracies that largely don’t do what they tell them to do.”

Trump’s transition team did not respond to requests to discuss Vought’s selection for OMB or the chapter he wrote for Project 2025 about the agency. The 19th reached out to Vought through his Center for Renewing America, which likewise did not respond to a request for comment.

Power of the Purse

During Trump’s first term, OMB helped find money to begin building a small section of wall along the U.S.-Mexico border — a key campaign promise Trump made in 2016 — “because Congress wouldn’t give him the ordinary money,” Vought told Carlson.

Trump also enlisted OMB to withhold $400 million in military aid that Congress approved for Ukraine, as Trump and his associates tried to pressure the country to investigate Biden and his family. The move prompted the abuse-of-power case House Democrats made against Trump during his first impeachment, when Vought defied a subpoena to testify. The Government Accountability Office, a nonpartisan watchdog, concluded that the scheme violated the 1974 Impoundment Control Act. Days later, the Republican-led Senate acquitted Trump. (Trump had eventually released the aid.)

When Trump subsequently nominated Vought to lead OMB in 2020, Democrats opposed him because of his approach to impoundment authority. He was nonetheless confirmed.

Vought’s path to confirmation is all but certain this time around: Republicans control the Senate, the congressional chamber charged with approving presidential nominations. Very likely to feature in his confirmation hearings is Vought’s belief that the OMB can help Trump overcome opposition and implement policy priorities, possibly including those contained in Project 2025, by redirecting or refusing to spend funds appropriated by Congress, which under the Constitution holds the power of the purse.

“Making Impoundment Great Again!” Vought wrote in June on X, riffing on the “Make America Great Again” slogan that has come to define Trump’s movement.

A copy of Project 2025 is held during the 2024 Democratic National Convention.

Trump spent his campaign insisting that he had not read Project 2025 and did not know its authors. “I have no idea who is behind it. I disagree with some of the things they’re saying and some of the things they’re saying are absolutely ridiculous and abysmal,” he wrote in a July post on his Truth Social platform.

But of the more than 350 people who contributed to Project 2025, at least 60 percent are linked to the incoming president, according to a list of contributors and their ties reviewed by The 19th. They range from appointees and nominees from Trump’s first administration, like Vought, to members of his previous transition team and those who served on commissions and as unofficial advisers.

Democrats, including Vice President Kamala Harris, seized on Project 2025 during their campaigns to highlight the dangers they believe are posed by a second Trump presidency. At 920 pages, it offers a vision of government that is far more detailed and specific than the policy proposals put forward by Trump directly. The “Agenda 47” on Trump’s campaign website was a list of 20 bullet points that included vague policies like “end the weaponization of government against the American people” and “unite our country by bringing it to new and record levels of success.”

When Trump announced Vought as his OMB pick, he said Vought “knows exactly how to dismantle the Deep State and end Weaponized Government.” His other selections for OMB leadership posts include anti-abortion activist Ed Martin and Vought’s colleague at the Center for Renewing America, Mark Paoletta, whom the president-elect praised as a “conservative warrior.”

One question as Trump takes office on January 20 and Vought, if confirmed, helps him control the government’s workforce and purse strings, is which version of the country they will promote and whose rights are — and aren’t — protected.

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Republican men and women disagree on how many women should hold political office

By Mel Leonor Barclay 

 Originally published by The 19th

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Republican women are twice as likely as Republican men to say there are too few women in high-profile political offices, and they are less certain about the prospect of achieving equal representation than men of both parties, a new survey from the Pew Research Center found.

Republican women are still less likely to think there are too few women in these leadership roles than Americans overall. Forty percent of Republican women believe there are too few women in these leadership roles, compared with 82 percent of Democratic women, 53 percent of American adults overall and just 19 percent of Republican men.

While women make up half of the U.S. population, they hold less than a third of the seats in Congress and about a third of all state legislative seats. Democratic women are more likely than Republican women to hold political leadership positions: More than two-thirds of the women in Congress are Democrats, and of the 12 women U.S. governors, eight are Democrats.

The survey released Wednesday sheds light on Americans’ views on gender and political leadership and how they see the barriers that women face to achieving political power. The survey included a new focus on presidential politics as Vice President Kamala Harris gears up for a second campaign on the Democratic presidential ticket and South Carolina Gov. Nikki Haley competes for the GOP nomination.

On Wednesday night, Haley will take the stage as the only woman in the second GOP presidential debate, and only the third Republican woman to ever participate in a presidential debate. Haley, whose campaign had so far languished in the polls, saw a boost in popularity after the first GOP debate last month. Two polls have shown her as the only GOP contender currently leading President Joe Biden in a head-to-head matchup.

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When it comes to presidential politics, a whopping 86 percent of Republicans don’t view electing a woman president in their lifetime as important, compared with 64 percent of Americans overall. Republican women are only slightly more likely than Republican men to view this historic milestone as very important to them: 6 percent of Republican women, compared with 3 percent of Republican men.

A majority of Democratic women — 57 percent — ranked the election of a woman president as very or somewhat important to them; majorities of Republican women and men of both parties saw it as not important or not too important or said that the president’s gender doesn’t matter.

Juliana Horowitz, an associate director of research at Pew, said that even as Republican women — and majorities of Americans overall — say gender doesn’t have an impact on key leadership qualities, Republican women are more likely than men to believe a woman would be better at things like working under pressure and standing up for what she believes in.

More Republican women than Republican men say a woman president would be better at being honest and ethical and maintaining a respectful tone in politics.

Republican women “are more likely than Republican men, to the extent that they see a difference, to say that a woman president would be better,” Horowitz said.

The survey found no consensus on whether Americans think the United States will elect a woman president in the near future, with about half of all U.S. adults saying they believe it is somewhat likely. As for representation in politics overall, 52 percent of Americans say it's only a matter of time before women reach parity in elected office, which men are much more likely to believe. Less than half of all Democratic and Republican women believe it is only a matter of time before there are as many women in office as men.

The Pew Research Center surveyed 5,057 adults in mid-July, and 11,201 more adults in July and August. The sample of nonbinary Americans in the survey was not large enough to analyze their views separately.